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Зимняя война 1939/1940
\nПочему миф об «одном народе и общей колыбели» так важен для путинского государства? В модерной парадигме народы ведут отсчет своей истории не от истоков своей государственности, а от начал нации. Нация древнее своих институтов, они — производное по отношению к ней. Государство тоже возникает на более поздней стадии самоорганизации нации; нация первична. Институт нации потеснил в Новое […]
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“Mutual relations, cooperation and security between NATO and the Russian Federation” are the subject-matter of the NATO–Russia Founding Act, which was signed in Paris on 27 May 1997 by the heads of states and governments of the NATO member countries, NATO Secretary General Javier Solana and Russian President Boris Yeltsin. It […]
\n","date":"2026-02-05T09:08:14","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":101331}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Ignaz Lozo"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Ignaz Lozo","authorDescription":"Dr. Ignaz Lozo is an expert on East Europe (his doctorate is in East European history) and a former television news correspondent in Moscow. He is the author of the highly acclaimed biography of Mikhail Gorbachev, “Gorbatschow – Der Weltveränderer” (updated and expanded, 2nd edition, 2024), which also examines NATO enlargement and the war in Ukraine. Johannes Gutenberg University honoured him as an alumnus who has done outstanding work. ","authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"title-centered","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"en/russias-history-myths-unmasked/nato-a-us-tool","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":null,"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-300x300.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-768x768.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-900x900.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"en"},"translations":[{"databaseId":214587},{"databaseId":194157}]},{"title":"“Russia is the centre of the ‘Russian World’ and has a right to its ‘historical lands’”","databaseId":196909,"excerpt":"How do Putin & Co. use the terms “Russian World” and “historical Russia”? The term Russkiy mir (Eng. Russian World) first began to crop up in the speeches of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev in the first decade of the 21st century. The concept had been developed earlier, although the Kremlin leaders first used it […]
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\n","date":"2022-08-24T08:00:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":34337}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Andrej Kurkow","authorDescription":"Andrej Kurkow, geboren 1961 in St. Petersburg, lebt seit seiner Kindheit in Kiew und schreibt in russischer Sprache. Er studierte Fremdsprachen, war Zeitungsredakteur und während des Militärdienstes Gefängniswärter. Danach schrieb er zahlreiche Drehbücher. Seit seinem Roman Picknick auf dem Eis gilt er als einer der wichtigsten zeitgenössischen ukrainischen Autoren. Sein Werk, für das er zahlreich ausgezeichnet wurde, erscheint in 42 Sprachen. Kurkow war von Dezember 2018 bis Januar 2025 Präsident des PEN Ukraine.","authorImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/Kurkow_Andrej_700061194_beschnitten.jpg"}},"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":1,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"kurkow-feiertag-im-rauch-des-krieges","translator":"Ruth Altenhofer","pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":"Unabhängigkeitsdenkmal „Fliegende Ukraine“ in Charkiw, März 2022, © Alina Smutko","beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":73207}]},{"title":"Быть другим – инакомыслие в СССР","databaseId":68773,"excerpt":"","date":"2022-07-06T14:21:37","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":295}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":250,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"https://dissident.dekoder.org/ru","translator":null,"pageType":["default"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":null,"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"ru"},"translations":[{"databaseId":49835}]},{"title":"FAQ #5: Welche Rolle spielt eigentlich Belarus im Ukraine-Krieg?","databaseId":69405,"excerpt":"Im Krieg gegen die Ukraine steht der belarussische Machthaber Alexander Lukaschenko an der Seite des russischen Präsidenten Putin. Doch bislang sind keine seiner Truppen beteiligt. Warum hilft er Putin? Was hat er zu gewinnen, was zu verlieren? Und was bedeutet das für seinen eigenen Machterhalt?
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\nWas kann eine neutrale Ukraine denn theoretisch überhaupt heißen? Und wäre das so eine einfache Lösung, wie es klingt?
Die Hoffnung lag von Beginn an auf der Diplomatie. Doch wie sind die Chancen auf einen möglichen Waffenstillstand? Kann nicht doch die UNO helfen? Warum ist es so schwierig, mit Putin an den Verhandlungstisch zu gehen?
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Wir lassen die Vielfalt und Höhepunkte der Protestkultur in diesem visuellen Rückblick Revue passieren.
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\n","content":"\nЗимняя война 1939/1940
\n«Финляндия сражается одна, но на стороне ангелов» — статья под таким заголовком была опубликована в газете The New York Times второго декабря 1939 года, на третий день после начала массированного наступления советских войск против маленькой страны на северо-восточной окраине европейского континента. «Ее печальная участь предопределена», — писала далее международная корреспондентка Энн О’Хара Маккормик, ставя советскую войну против Финляндии в один ряд с немецким «аншлюсом» Австрии 1938 года и оккупацией Польши, а также стран Балтии после подписания осенью 1939 года Германией и СССР пакта Молотова-Риббентропа. Советское руководство и само не ожидало, что со вторжением в Финляндию возникнут какие-либо трудности: уже в конце ноября Дмитрию Шостаковичу было поручено обработать цикл финских народных песен, исполнением которых планировалось торжественно отметить ожидаемый вскоре парад советских войск в Хельсинки и освобождение финских рабочих и крестьян. Но вместо стремительной операции на деле получилась масштабная война на истощение, принесшая большие потери и поставившая Красную армию на грань военной катастрофы. В СССР и России эти события впоследствии были практически стерты из исторической памяти общества. В Финляндии же, напротив, Зимняя война (фин. Talvisota) определила национальное самосознание и продолжает определять его по сей день с неослабевающей силой.
\n\n\n\nЧто же это за война, ставшая неотъемлемой частью исторической памяти одной страны и полностью вычеркнутая в другой? О ней — большая гноза Михаэля Йонаса.
\n\n\n\nПамяти Матти Клинге (1936–2023) посвящается.
\nВплоть до 1917-го Финляндия входила в состав Российской империи в статусе Великого княжества и получила независимость лишь в декабре революционного года. Центральным вопросом внешней политики молодого государства стал вопрос о гарантиях безопасности и независимости. После окончания Первой мировой войны относительная безопасность страны обеспечивалась в силу ослабления двух близлежащих великих держав, России и Германии, а с середины 1930-х годов — благодаря противоречиям между ними. В это время становилось все более очевидным, что международный эксперимент межвоенного периода — Лига Наций — так же, как и предложенная ею концепция коллективной безопасности, потерпели крах. Западные державы фактически отдали контроль над Балтийским морем национал-социалистической Германии, к которой финское правительство не чувствовало никакого расположения.
\n\n\n\nВ то время как маленькая страна на северо-восточной окраине континента не играла никакой роли в стратегических планах ни Гитлера, ни западных держав, она все больше занимала Сталина. Однажды он несколько небрежно сформулировал свое восприятие сути вопроса, заметив, что с географией ничего не поделаешь1.
\n\n\n\nФинское правительство во главе с либеральным министром иностранных дел Элиасом Эркко имело четкое представление о государственном суверенитете, подкрепленное с середины 1930-х годов еще и сознательным присоединением к скандинавской политике нейтралитета. Суверенитет и территориальная целостность Финляндии, признанные в соответствии с международным правом в том числе и Советским Союзом, не могли быть предметом споров. И кабинет министров не был готов уступать в этих принципиальных вопросах даже великой державе, подобной СССР.
\n\n\n\nПодобная позиция оказалась категорически несовместима с представлениями, доминировавшими в советском руководстве. Те, в свою очередь, определялись чувствительностью к вопросам безопасности: Ленинград, второй по величине город СССР, всегда занимал невыгодное геостратегическое положение на северо-западе страны. Граница с Финляндией проходила всего в тридцати километрах, и город находился в зоне досягаемости современной артиллерии. Интересы России традиционно состояли в том, чтобы отодвинуть западную границу и укрепить ее в качестве своеобразного буфера империи. Подобные имперские устремления можно было лишь до известной степени согласовать с современными принципами международного права.
\n\n\n\nНачиная с 1938 года Москва, используя секретные дипломатические каналы, пыталась вступить в переговоры с финским правительством. Тщетно: Хельсинки всякий раз упорно отказывался даже начинать какие-либо переговоры. Поворотным моментом стало подписание пакта Молотова-Риббентропа в конце августа 1939 года: всего за несколько недель, которые понадобились для германо-советского сближения, Хельсинки оказался в безвыходном положении. В соответствии с пактом Молотова-Риббентропа, Финляндия, которая по-прежнему классифицировалась как «балтийская страна», была включена в сферу советских интересов. Только после этого, в середине октября 1939 года, начались официальные переговоры. Точнее, финское правительство фактически было вызвано в Москву. Незадолго до этого Москва уже вынудила отказаться от суверенитета Эстонию, Латвию и Литву; предполагалось, что Финляндию также можно поставить на колени дипломатическим путем. Левоцентристское правительство отправило в Москву бывшего премьер-министра и депутата сейма Юхо Кусти Паасикиви. В финской политике тот имел репутацию авторитетнейшего специалиста по отношениям с Россией. В Хельсинки приготовились к переговорному марафону, целью которого было пойти на как можно меньшее число уступок.
\n\n\n\nПо сути, Сталин и другие советские лидеры были озабочены пересмотром границы между Финляндией и Советским Союзом на Карельском перешейке. Граница проходила всего в тридцати километрах от Ленинграда, второго по величине города СССР, и Сталин хотел перенести ее на несколько десятков километров к западу от Ладожского озера. Другие территориальные требования, включая передачу стратегически важных островов в Финском заливе, а также западной части полуострова Рыбачий на крайнем северо-востоке, различались по своей структуре. Москва была готова компенсировать собственные территориальные требования видимой щедростью в виде передаче Финляндии обширных территорий в Карелии к северу от Ладожского озера.
\n\n\n\nПаасикиви удалось в самом начале переговоров пресечь любые попытки Сталина и Молотова связать Финляндию с Москвой пактом о взаимопомощи или любым оборонным союзом. Раз за разом он ссылался на принципиальный нейтралитет своей страны. Последним чувствительным моментом на переговорах был вопрос о размещении советских войск на территории Финляндии. Перед переговорами с Финляндией советское руководство смогло склонить к этому эстонских, литовских и латышских дипломатов и теперь рассчитывало на то, что добьется разрешения расквартировать подразделения Красной армии также и на территории этой страны. В качестве места дислокации Москва предлагала построенный еще во времена Российской империи портовый город Ханко на самом юге Финляндии, примерно в 120 километрах к юго-западу от Хельсинки.
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Финское руководство было готово пойти на территориальные уступки, но присутствие советских войск на финской земле было категорически неприемлемо для правительства в Хельсинки. Паасикиви и самый авторитетный военачальник страны, бывший генерал императорской армии К. Г. Э. Маннергейм, выступали за то, чтобы принять, в принципе, удобоваримые требования Москвы. Однако большинством голосов в правительстве было принято решение сопротивляться растущему давлению со стороны советского руководства. 13 ноября официальные переговоры были окончательно прерваны; финская делегация немедленно покинула Москву. Мало кто в финском руководстве допускал, что это приведет к началу военных действий. Однако для Сталина отказ Финляндии идти на уступки однозначно предопределял дальнейшее: вскоре после отъезда финской делегации был издан приказ о мобилизации. Одновременно с ним началась подготовка к вторжению.
\n\n\n\nНедавний военный опыт, приобретенный после вторжения в Польшу, определил не только ожидания, но и конкретные действия советского руководства. В сентябре 1939 года Красная Армия очень быстро оккупировала восточную Польшу вплоть до демаркационной линии, установленной пактом Молотова-Риббентропа. Теперь советское руководство и часть военной элиты ожидали столь же легкой оккупации Финляндии: на нее должно было потребоваться всего несколько недель. Мобилизация была проведена во второй половине ноября и затронула лишь малую часть военных ресурсов СССР, в основном сконцентрированных в Ленинградской области.
\n\n\n\nВместо обширного наступления, разработанного советским Генеральным штабом, Сталин принял решение реализовать более компактный вариант, предложенный ленинградским военным комендантом Кириллом Мерецковым. На вершину военной пирамиды Мерецков поднялся благодаря большому террору 1936–1938 годов; его биография была в целом весьма типична и объясняла состояние офицерского корпуса после чисток. В то время как численность армии в предвоенные годы была увеличена Сталиным с полутора до трех миллионов человек, офицерский корпус был сокращен на три четверти, причем на всех уровнях армейской иерархии. Офицеры, возвысившиеся после чисток, как правило, были плохо обучены и не имели никакого боевого опыта. Мерецков тоже не был готов к командованию армией, во всяком случае, в 1939 году, не говоря уж о проведении сложнейшей военной операции.
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Силы вторжения должны были, согласно плану, состоять из четырех армий — 7-й, 8-й, 9-й и 14-й — и в общей сложности составляли почти полмиллиона солдат и 2050 танков.
\n\n\n\nОборонная стратегия Финляндии предполагала две основные формы мобильной защиты территории:
\n\n\n\nФинская армия была собрана на Карельском перешейке в начале мобилизации, чтобы занять комплекс оборонительных сооружений, которые впоследствии получили название «линии Маннергейма». Их начали возводить уже в первой половине 1920-х и систематически модернизировали в предвоенное время. Тысячи траншей, барьеров из колючей проволоки, танковых ловушек, блиндажей, пулеметных точек и бункеров различных конструкций и технического качества чередовались на протяжении 136 километров от Финского залива до поселка Тайпале на юге Ладоги. На линии Маннергейма было довольно мало бункерных сооружений — в том числе бункеров для пушек, — а сама оборонительная система была недостаточно глубокой, поэтому имела характер, скорее, полевого укрепления. Ее боевая ценность была намного ниже более амбициозных проектов того времени, таких как линия Мажино во Франции. Тем не менее именно эта система укреплений позволила финским вооруженным силам вести затяжную войну, целью которой было выиграть время, а также защитить промышленно развитые населенные пункты на юге страны от захвата советскими войсками. По крайней мере, на какое-то время.
\n\n\n\nНа территориях к северу от Ладожского озера, где армия вторжения могла перемещаться по неразвитой, но в целом существующей транспортной сети, финское оборонное планирование предусматривало использование дополнительных регулярных войск общей численностью около 28 тысяч человек. Вся северная половина страны — около 800 километров от Северной Карелии до Северного Ледовитого океана — оборонялась в лучшем случае в отдельных местах. Это было связано не только с острой нехваткой ресурсов, но и с приоритетами, которые сформулировало финское верховное командование. Маннергейм и его генеральный штаб справедливо полагали, что приграничные районы в центральной и северной частях Финляндии слишком густо покрыты лесами и не имеют инфраструктуры, необходимой для военных операций и перемещений целой армии.
\n\n\n\nТаким образом, в последние недели ноября 1939 года примерно 250 тысяч финских солдат должны были противостоять почти полумиллионной Красной армии, численность которой могла быть увеличена в любой момент. Диспропорция между воюющими сторонами становится еще более очевидной, если сравнить ключевые для современной войны параметры: в то время как в распоряжении финской армии было всего несколько десятков танков британского и французского производства, из которых, однако, всего десять могли быть эффективно использованы, Красная армия располагала 2514 танками и бронемашинами. Схожим образом выглядело и соотношение военно-воздушных сил: у Финляндии было 114 действующих боевых самолетов, которые Хельсинки в середине 1930-х также в основном закупил в Великобритании. На вооружении у СССР, по разным оценкам, стояло от 1700 до 4000 истребителей, которые обеспечивали практически полное господство в воздухе на протяжении всей войны.
\n\n\n\nИными словами, советская армия превосходила финскую в два раза по численности войск (впоследствии это превосходство было увеличено), в пять раз по количеству артиллерии и примерно в восемьдесят раз по количеству танков и бронемашин. Сравнение с библейской битвой Давида и Голиафа напрашивалось уже у современников. Международные наблюдатели, как и советское военное руководство, ожидали быстрого „Finis Finlandiae„ — это выражение использовалось русскими националистами еще перед Первой мировой войной на волне растущего стремления финских элит к автономии.
\n\n\n\nСоветское руководство позаимствовало из нацистского пропагандистского арсенала не только идею блицкрига. Непосредственный повод к войне напомнил вымышленное нападение на радиомачту в Гляйвице, которое нацистская Германия использовала для оправдания своего вторжения в Польшу 1 сентября 1939 года. Финским Гляйвицем стала небольшая деревня Майнила, расположенная в нескольких сотнях метров от финской границы, которую Советский Союз обстрелял под чужим флагом. В обращении к международной общественности, а также в ходе переговоров с финским правительством Молотов утверждал, что обстрел был совершен финской артиллерией, а жертвами стали советские военнослужащие.
\n\n\n\nИспользуя этот полностью инсценированный, но удобный с пропагандистской точки зрения повод, Советский Союз 29 ноября разорвал дипломатические отношения с Финляндией. Уже на следующее утро началось крупномасштабное вторжение советских войск по всей линии фронта от Финского залива до Петсамо на Крайнем Севере. В утренние часы советская авиация бомбила промышленные центры — Выборг, гавань Турку, гидроэлектростанцию в районе Иматры, фабрику противогазов в Лахти, а также столицу Хельсинки. В результате первого же налета в Хельсинки погиб 91 мирный житель. Как минимум начало войны соответствовало планам советского командования.
\n\n\n\nСразу после вторжения финский кабинет министров подал в отставку и уже 1 декабря был заменен коалиционным правительством. Ристо Рюти — президент Центрального банка Финляндии — был назначен премьер-министром, а влиятельный лидер финских социал-демократов Вяйнё Таннер — министром иностранных дел. В первые часы и дни войны финское правительство отчаянно пыталось остановить конфликт. Но надежды на то, что вторжение прекратится, а двух- или даже многосторонние переговоры возобновятся, оказались тщетными, о чем красноречиво свидетельствовали политические шаги Сталина и Молотова. В ночь на 1 декабря в приграничной деревне Териоки, которую Красная армия захватила в первые часы наступления, было создано альтернативное правительство под руководством финского коммуниста-эмигранта Отто Куусинена. Порожденное пропагандистскими соображениями марионеточное образование, как минимум, указывало на замысел советского руководства по возможной советизации Финляндии.
\n\n\n\nОсобенно болезненным для Финляндии стало то, что страна осталась в одиночестве. Несмотря на то, что солидарность других государств не заставила себя ждать, она заканчивалась каждый раз, когда возникало опасение активного участия в войне против СССР. Идеологически очень разные государства, такие как фашистская Италия, западные союзники Франция и Великобритания и формально нейтральная Швеция поставляли тяжелое вооружение, современные истребители, а также — в случае со Швецией, Данией и Норвегией — контингент примерно из 9 тысяч добровольцев, которые с конца февраля 1940 года были развернуты в виде отдельной бригады на севере Финляндии. Третий рейх, который многие воспринимали как фактического гаранта безопасности Финляндии, вел себя, напротив, просоветски-нейтрально, что вызывало у финнов сначала тревогу, а потом и негодование. Единственное, чего удалось достичь Хельсинки в этой в целом беспросветной ситуации, — это внимания мировой общественности: в то время как война на континенте, развязанная напавшей на Польшу Германией, уже через несколько недель превратилась в пассивную «странную войну» (или «сидячую», по-немецки — Sitzkrieg), за финским театром военных действий наблюдали внимательно и заинтересованно, а нарастающие успехи финской армии в деле защиты страны вызывали симпатии мирового сообщества. На этом фоне Лига Наций, бессильно дрейфовавшая в течение многих лет, своим последним публично озвученным решением 14 декабря 1939 года исключила СССР из своих рядов. Но этим все и ограничилось.
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Война СССР против Финляндии делится на два больших этапа. Она шла на двух различных театрах военных действий и имела два оперативных измерения.
\n\n\n\nУже через несколько недель, то есть с середины декабря, стало очевидно, что советское наступление на всех направлениях идет не по плану.
\n\n\n\nНаступившая зима сильно замедлила продвижение советской армии на участках фронта вокруг Ладожского озера — 7-й армии на Карельском перешейке и 8-й к северу от Ладоги. Остальное было делом минных полей и финских передовых частей, ведущих упорную оборонительную борьбу. Растущая нервозность советского высшего командования и не в последнюю очередь генеральных штабов задействованных армий стала очевидна уже через несколько дней: один за другим менялись командующие операцией.
\n\n\n\n6 декабря первые советские подразделения дошли до линии Маннергейма, но не сумели преодолеть ее, как это предусматривалось в амбициозном оперативном плане Мерецкова. Он неоднократно отдавал приказы о прорыве обороны на различных участках фронта, но по разным причинам они не были выполнены. Во-первых, в конце ноября в труднопроходимой лесистой местности начался сильный снегопад, что привязало операции Красной армии к сети дорог и путей, которые финнам было легче контролировать. Во-вторых, дали знать о себе проблемы с ориентацией в существующих оборонительных сооружениях и, в целом, в том, где находился противник.
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Финнам на Карельском перешейке удавалось сдерживать изолированные друг от друга советские подразделения чрезвычайно гибкими средствами обороны. Например, им пришлось разработать подручные инструменты противотанковой борьбы — легендарные «коктейли Молотова». Мерецков раз за разом отдавал приказы атаковать финскую оборону в лоб, так называемыми «людскими волнами» (или «пехотными волнами»), известными еще по окопной войне Первой мировой войны. Но эти атаки все больше деморализовывали и без того измотанные советские военные части. Линия Маннергейма оставалась не прорванной до конца года, а финской армии даже не пришлось задействовать свои, пусть и ограниченные, резервы в тылу.
\n\n\n\nЕще хуже обстояли дела советской армии к северу от Ладожского озера. В условиях снегопадов, на труднопроходимых дорогах или вовсе без них, при температуре -35 градусов им пришлось противодействовать финской тактике партизанской войны. Ярким примером стал первый наступательный успех финской армии: 12 декабря в битве при Толваярви, в районе замерзшего озера, значительно уступающим по численности финским войскам удалось разгромить почти всю 139-ю стрелковую дивизию Красной армии и в последующие недели оттеснить другие дивизии 8-й армии, тем самым отстояв территорию.
\n\n\n\nНечто подобное происходило и севернее, в приграничной зоне: финские части позволили советским войскам занять там значительные территории, после чего отрезали их от снабжения и путей к отступлению, чтобы затем планомерно окружить и в отдельных случаях полностью уничтожить в казавшемся бесконечно темным ледяном аду северной Финляндии.
\n\n\n\nСимптоматичной оказалась и продлившаяся несколько недель битва за Суомуссалми, в ходе которой финским войскам удалось предотвратить советский прорыв к прибрежному городу Оулу на берегу Ботнического залива. Прорыв был доверен 163-й стрелковой дивизии, входившей в состав 9-й армии, а также сопровождавшей ее 44-й мотострелковой дивизии — в общей сложности они насчитывали около 36 тысяч человек. Они были плохо подготовлены к климатическим условиям, не имели ни зимней маскировочной одежды, ни лыж. В отличие от них финские войска численностью меньше одной дивизии перемещались на лыжах и наносили удары по слабым местам неповоротливых советских частей, зависящих от дорожной сети. Финны часто действовали нестандартно; так, они особенно любили нападать на полевые кухни — потому что это еще больше деморализовывало красноармейцев, и без того отрезанных от всего снабжения. Когда вражеские части были вконец измотаны, финские войска, хорошо замаскированные для заснеженного района, под покровом тьмы совершили контратаку, изолировали и окружили части обеих советских дивизий. По окончании боев в районе Суомуссалми потери финских войск составили около 2700 человек.
\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nКрасная армия потеряла 30 тысяч солдат убитыми, ранеными или взятыми в плен
\n
Запланированная молниеносная операция против сильно уступавшего по численности противника уже в начале 1940 года грозила перерасти в затяжную войну, которая потребовала бы огромного количества людей, материалов и ресурсов. Ситуация на фронте начала влиять и на международную обстановку. Начальник штаба 9-й армии Д.Н. Никишев, в зону ответственности которого входили обернувшиеся военными катастрофами битвы при Суомуссалми и Кухмо, был беспощаден в своей оценке, которую дал советскому наркому обороны Клименту Ворошилову: «Наши части по своей организации и насыщенности техникой, особенно артиллерией, и обозам не приспособлены к маневру и действиям на этом театре, они тяжеловесны и зачастую прикованы к технике, которая следует только по дороге… действиям в особых условиях не обучены — леса боятся и на лыжах не ходят…»
\n\n\n\nСталин также вынужден был признать серьезные структурные, организационные, кадровые и не в последнюю очередь тактико-оперативные недостатки своей агрессивной войны против Финляндии. Командир 44-й мотострелковой дивизии Алексей Виноградов был расстрелян вместе со своим штабом после неудачных действий в бою под Суомуссалми 11 января 1940 года. Мерецкову пришлось оставить должность главнокомандующего финским фронтом, хотя он и сохранил пост командующего 7-й армией на Карельском перешейке.
\n\n\n\nВ рамках реорганизации советских сил был создан Северо-Западный фронт, который в январе 1940 года года возглавил Семен Тимошенко, опытный военачальник, уже командовавший Украинским фронтом во время польской кампании. Тактическое и оперативное руководство военными действиями ушло из зоны ответственности Ленинградского военного округа. Если Мерецков делал ставку на крупномасштабное наступление, желательно, по всему фронту, то Тимошенко стремился добиться значительной концентрации войск и артиллерии на Карельском перешейке посредством привлечения еще одной — 13-й — армии и тем самым все-таки прорвать линию Маннергейма. Наступление, возобновление которого было запланировано на январь, очевидно, учитывало отрезвляющий опыт Красной армии, полученный за предыдущий месяц. Для устранения проблем на ряде важных направлений были предприняты усилия по выделению дополнительных материальных и кадровых ресурсов и, не в последнюю очередь, по ускорению военной подготовки.
\n\n\n\nРеализация оперативного плана, разработанного на этой новой основе, началась в середине января. Советские войска, усиленные недавно собранными силами 13-й армии и сосредоточенные перед линией Маннергейма, насчитывали около 460 тысяч солдат, 3350 артиллерийских орудий, 3000 танков и 1300 самолетов. Несомненно, на руку СССР сыграло нарастающее истощение финской армии на перешейке. Благодаря пополнению резервами та выросла до восьми дивизий и насчитывала около 150 тысяч человек, но это не могло скрыть фундаментальный военный дисбаланс, последствия которого в полной мере проявились только после начала года.
\n\n\n\nВ ходе первоначальных бомбардировок, продолжавшихся две недели, советская артиллерия пробила систему финской обороны. 1 февраля первые пять дивизий объединенных сухопутных войск перешли в наступление при интенсивной поддержке авиации и непрерывном артиллерийском огне. 11 февраля началось общее наступление на передовых участках перешейка. Тем временем на нескольких важных участках впервые была прорвана передовая линия укреплений, что, несмотря на отчаянные контратаки и спорадические наступления, вынудило Маннергейма отвести финские силы к центру оборонительной системы. Прошло чуть больше недели, и их тоже пришлось оставить, а 25 февраля советская армия окончательно прорвала и тыловую систему укреплений.
\n\n\n\nКогда «линия Маннергейма» была прорвана, единственным выходом для оставшихся финских войск стало отступление к Выборгу. К 1 марта он также был полностью окружен. В день вступления в силу Московского мирного договора, 13 марта 1940 года, финские части еще удерживали часть города, но центр к этому времени уже находился в руках советских войск.
\n\n\n\n![\"\"](\"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/03/winterkrieg_3.jpg\")
В результате военных действий на Карельском перешейке финское правительство решило просить о перемирии: другого выхода у него просто не оставалось.
\n\n\n\nСталин оказался готов пойти на переговоры — в первую очередь потому, что международная ситуация стала складываться не в пользу СССР. С января западные союзники заявляли о своей принципиальной готовности поставлять Финляндии теперь уже не только оружие. Кроме того, они заговорили о возможности прямого вмешательства в войну при помощи значительного экспедиционного корпуса. Сталин хотел любой ценой избежать подобной эскалации конфликта, возможность которой была обусловлена в том числе и стратегическими соображениями Лондона и Парижа. В противном случае именно Северная Европа, а тем самым и геостратегический тыл СССР, стала бы решающим театром войны между великими державами.
\n\n\n\nНо и положение Финляндии становилось все более критичным: анализ Маннергейма, лишенного каких-либо иллюзий, убедил официальный Хельсинки в том, что рассчитывать на обещания западных союзников или на общий поворот в международной политике не приходится, а потому войну нужно закончить как можно скорее. К этому времени Сталин уже избавился от марионеточного правительства Куусинена, чтобы сделать возможным возобновление двусторонних переговоров. Хельсинки отправил в Москву своего самого опытного в переговорах с Россией дипломата Паасикиви. Результат этих тайных предварительных переговоров, зафиксированный в Московском мирном договоре от 12 марта 1940 года, с точки зрения финнов, выходил далеко за рамки первоначальных требований Москвы, но отражал дух и суть прошлых переговоров.
\n\n\n\nВ соответствии с ним Финляндия была вынуждена уступить СССР значительную часть (финской) Карелии. Эта потеря оказалась болезненной не только потому, что советской становилась старая столица провинции Выборг/Виипури, один из промышленных и культурных центров страны и второй по величине город почти с 75 тысячами жителей, но и потому, что в этом регионе, согласно финской мифологии, находились культурные корни нации. Помимо этой тяжелой потери пришлось пойти и на другие территориальные уступки, такие как восточная часть региона Салла, рыбацкий полуостров на крайнем северо-востоке страны, и несколько небольших, но стратегически важных островов в Финском заливе. Эти потери, составлявшие около 9% территории страны, потребовали эвакуации более 400 тысяч человек — около 12% всего населения. Кроме того, финское руководство было вынуждено передать СССР в аренду на тридцать лет полуостров Ханко/Хангё к юго-западу от Хельсинки под военно-морскую базу, тем самым согласившись на значительное ограничение суверенитета страны.
\n\n\n\nНовость о заключении Московского мира, объявленная 13 марта 1940 года в 11 часов утра по финскому радио, была встречена финской общественностью с ужасом. Были вывешены траурные флаги, люди собирались вместе, чтобы утешить друг друга и самим найти утешение перед лицом всеобъемлющего чувства утраты. Накануне президент Финляндии Кюёсти Каллио выразил коллективное чувство боли и возмущения, когда применительно к Московскому миру использовал фразу канцлера Германии Филиппа Шейдемана по поводу Версальского договора: «Пусть отсохнет моя рука, вынужденная подписать этот документ».
\n\n\n\nШок финнов от того, что их стране все-таки пришлось идти на столь серьезные уступки, в значительной степени объяснялся недостаточной осведомленностью о положении на фронте. До марта значительная часть финской общественности полагала, что Финляндия успешно противостоит Советскому Союзу и сможет продолжить это сопротивление. Разочарование усугублялось и тем фактом, что все территории, которые нужно было отдать, все еще удерживались финскими войсками; даже Виипури был затронут советскими наступательными операциями только в конце февраля и, судя по всему, не был полностью оккупирован.
\n\n\n\nИтоги войны указывают на интенсивность конфликта и иллюстрируют, какую высокую цену пришлось заплатить за нее Советскому Союзу. С финской стороны были зарегистрированы около 26 тысяч погибших, около 43,5 тысяч раненых, а также гибель 957 мирных жителей в результате воздушных налетов. Невозможно не заметить разительный контраст с советскими потерями, непропорционально более высокими, число которых вызывает споры по сей день. Даже консервативная оценка российских историков указывает на, как минимум, 127 тысяч погибших в Зимней войне красноармейцев. Однако более реалистичными представляются более поздние оценки, основанные на новых источниках, — до 168 тысяч человек. Кроме того, число раненых составляло от 188 до 208 тысяч. Учитывая, что на финском фронте во время Зимней войны находилось около миллиона солдат Красной армии, это означает, что примерно каждый третий советский солдат был убит или ранен. Масштаб советских потерь становится еще более очевидным, когда речь заходит о технике: если Финляндия потеряла 20–30 танков и 62 самолета, то СССР, согласно последним исследованиям, — 3554 танка и до тысячи самолетов. Для локальной войны, коей, по сути, была советско-финляндская, это нечто беспрецедентное.
\n\n\n\nС самого начала Зимняя война воспринималась как центральное событие в истории Финляндии и центр национального самосознания. В этом отношении ничего не изменилось по сей день. Эта война стала мерой сразу трех вещей, которые функционально трудно отделить друг от друга:
\n\n\n\nВо-первых, она стала историко-политическим эталоном легитимной с точки зрения международного права оборонительной войны в идеальной форме — войны, в которой «между добром и злом, между жертвой и преступником, между защитником и агрессором […] были однозначно распределены роли»2 (и по сей день остаются неизменными).
\n\n\n\nВо-вторых, она стала эталоном культуры памяти как коллективный героический эпос, поддерживаемый большим количеством личных автобиографических историй о проявлениях героизма.
\n\n\n\nИ, наконец, в-третьих, что тесно связано с предыдущим, она превратилась в центр национальной идентичности, благодаря которому, похоже, наконец произошло преодоление коллективной общественной травмы, вызванной гражданской войной 1918 года, и сформировалась нация, прошедшая путь примирения.
\n\n\n\n![\"\"](\"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/03/Sankarihautajaiset_Joensuussa_19.5.1940_2-2.jpg\")
„Talvisodan henki“ — так называют дух Зимней войны, вдохновленный, в свою очередь, финским „Sisu“. Финская народная культура памяти приписывает ему то, что по сей день существуют страна и ее народ. Исконно финский, предположительно, термин „Sisu“, означающий в переводе сразу силу, стойкость, выносливость и непримиримость, получил международную известность как символическое воплощение финской сущности как раз в период Зимней войны. Военный миф, рожденный упорным сопротивлением финских вооруженных сил, безнадежно уступавших советским, благодаря тому самому „Sisu“, до сих пор остается основным нарративом о Зимней войне. В этом нарративе Финляндия предстает жертвой политики великих держав, но в первую очередь как маленькое государство, активно и, как утверждается, успешно защищающее себя и свое право на существование, буквально как «обороноспособная демократия».
\n\n\n\nСвоей неоспоримостью в культуре памяти Зимняя война принципиально отличается от своего «продолжения» — агрессивной войны, в которой Финляндия сражалась против СССР на стороне Третьего рейха с июня 1941 года по сентябрь 1944-го. Военный союз с национал-социалистической Германией уже в то время был предметом споров и — несмотря на все многочисленные исторические исследования — до сих пор остается таковым в коллективной памяти страны.
\n\n\n\nВ отличие от Финляндии, в которой Зимняя война получила экзистенциальное значение для самосознания граждан, из советского исторического сознания она полностью исчезла и после 1991 года не вернулась в российское. Вплоть до 1980-х Зимняя война была вытеснена из памяти Великой Отечественной войной — так же, как и союз СССР с национал-социалистической Германией в начале Второй мировой войны. Факт агрессивной войны, очевидно незаконной с точки зрения международного права, оказался табуированным и в культуре памяти общества. Даже сегодня война против Финляндии упоминается в лучшем случае в специализированных исторических исследованиях, не играя при этом никакой роли в общественных дискуссиях.
\n\n\n\nКлассическая история Зимней войны, написанная великим финским дипломатом Максом Якобсоном, в переводе на английский называется «Финляндия выжила» («Finland Survived»). Но, выжив, начала еще и освоение коллективного психологического и политического опыта, а также трансформацию (северо)европейского порядка. Вначале это толкнуло Финляндию на сторону национал-социалистической Германии. А в послевоенный период вновь сблизило ее с Советским Союзом. В это время возникла связанная с именем Паасикиви идея финского нейтралитета, ставшая основой независимости финского государства.
\n\n\n\nНо чуть было не обернувшаяся катастрофой попытка подчинить себе маленького соседа научила кое-чему и Советский Союз. Если Гитлер и немецкий штаб в преддверии операции «Барбаросса» воспринимали Красную армию в лучшем случае как «глиняного колосса без головы» или «чучело», верховное командование Красной Армии систематически анализировало опыт войны против Финляндии. И в этом анализе закладывались основы успешной, в конечном счете, оборонительной кампании против национал-социалистической Германии и ее союзников, среди которых Финляндия на северо-восточном фронте играла ключевую роль. Война, которая была воспринята как поражение, заставила пойти на фундаментальные изменения военной стратегии. В которых можно найти квинтэссенцию тех оборонительных усилий, которые Советскому Союзу предстояло предпринять в последующие годы.
\n\n\n\nТекст: Михаэль Йонас
Перевод с немецкого
Опубликовано: 12.03.2024
В 1910 году по инициативе премьер-министра Петра Столыпина был принят закон, существенно ограничивший полномочия финского парламента. Из его ведения вывели целый ряд вопросов, в том числе воинскую повинность, государственный язык, вопросы печати, порядок проведения собраний и многое другое. Политик Владимир Пуришкевич, активный сторонник закона и один из лидеров черносотенного «Союза русского народа», после его принятия на заседании российской Государственной Думы торжествующе воскликнул: «Finis Finlandiae!» (лат. «Конец Финляндии!»)
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