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How did Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea unfold? On 27 February 2014, Russian special forces, who were armed and wore no identifying insignia, occupied the parliamentary building in the capital city of Simferopol. The legitimate prime minister of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Anatolii Mohyliov, was removed from office and replaced by Sergey Aksyonov a […]

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Where is the basis for relations between Russia and NATO defined?  “Mutual relations, cooperation and security between NATO and the Russian Federation” are the subject-matter of the NATO–Russia Founding Act, which was signed in Paris on 27 May 1997 by the heads of states and governments of the NATO member countries, NATO Secretary General Javier Solana and Russian President Boris Yeltsin. It […]

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How do Putin & Co. use the terms “Russian World” and “historical Russia”?  The term Russkiy mir (Eng. Russian World) first began to crop up in the speeches of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev in the first decade of the 21st century. The concept had been developed earlier, although the Kremlin leaders first used it […]

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Mit dem Mythos, die Krym sei schon immer russisch gewesen, will Putins Russland seine Annexion der ukrainischen Halbinsel 2014 rechtfertigen. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo umreißt die historischen Entwicklungen, die Russlands Krym-Erzählung verschweigt.

\n","date":"2026-01-09T10:17:04","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":97629}]},"tags":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":101579},{"databaseId":98331},{"databaseId":98291},{"databaseId":101563},{"databaseId":101571},{"databaseId":98299},{"databaseId":98307},{"databaseId":98315}]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Ignaz Lozo"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Ignaz Lozo","authorDescription":"Dr. Ignaz Lozo, promovierter Osteuropahistoriker, war TV-Korrespondent in Moskau. 2024 erschien sein hochgelobtes Buch Gorbatschow – Der Weltveränderer, in welchem er auch die NATO-Osterweiterung und den Ukraine-Krieg beleuchtet. Von der Universität Mainz wurde er ausgezeichnet als Absolvent, der Herausragendes geleistet hat.","authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"title-centered","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"de/russland-propaganda-geschichte-narrative-dekodiert/krym","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-300x164.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-768x419.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-900x491.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-300x164.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-768x419.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-900x491.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":204603}]},{"title":"„Russland ist Zentrum der ‚russischen Welt‘ und hat ein Recht auf ‚historische Länder‘“","databaseId":194829,"excerpt":"

Das Konzept istoritscheskaja Rossija (dt: historisches Russland) ist im Westen wenig bekannt, gleichwohl hat es eine lange Begriffsgeschichte und wird von Putin und der Kremlpropaganda seit Jahren immer häufiger benutzt.

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Russia was using historical narratives to justify subjugation and aggression in its “near abroad” even before it annexed Crimea in 2014. History has also been conscripted as an aid-de-camp in Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine and confrontation with the West, with stories that keep finding audiences, both in- and outside of Russia, that are ready, even eager to believe.
\nIn the dekoder special Russia’s History Myths Unmasked, renowned authors decode these narratives of Russian (state) history with their intricate underpinnings, some extending back to the Middle Ages.

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Moscow describes “Ancient Rus” as the cradle of the “Russian people”, the origin of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation of the present day. In doing so, it is using well over a millennium’s worth of history to construct a narrative aimed at justifying the use of hybrid measures to influence other states and even a destructive war against neighbouring states. Historian Andrey Doronin takes a deep dive into the historical underpinnings of this Russian myth and explains how the understandings of the non-Russian Rus differ from the myth that Moscow tells.

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Russlands Mythos von der bedrohlichen NATO verschweigt, dass der Kreml selbst über Jahrzehnte an einer Annäherung zur NATO gearbeitet hat, zeitweise gar Mitglied werden wollte. So entstand 1997 die NATO-Russland-Grundakte, die offiziell bis heute gilt. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo skizziert ihre Entstehung und Bedeutung.

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Переписка журналиста Андрея Архангельского и историка Сергея Медведева — о паттернах российского исторического мышления.

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Andrei Arkhangelsky:  I thought we could start with personal thought patterns, the kind we are not even aware of or only become aware of as we grow older. The ones that demand that we do some hard work on ourselves.   We were both born in what was still the Soviet era – in its complacent years under Brezhnev (also known as the era of stagnation). This was in the late 1960s, early 1970s. What were those first ideas I had about my country and the […]

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Moskau beschreibt die Alte Rus als Wiege eines „russischen Volkes“, zu dem angeblich Russen, Belarussen und Ukrainer gehören. Damit nutzt es die jahrtausendealte Geschichte, die sich geografisch deutlich weiter westlich abspielte, und konstruiert ein Narrativ, das hybride Einflussnahme und sogar einen zerstörerischen Krieg gegen Nachbarstaaten rechtfertigen soll. Der Historiker Andrej Doronin geht dem russischen Mythos vom „einigen Volk“ auf den tiefen geschichtlichen Grund und erläutert, wie sich die Verständnisse der nicht-russländischen rus vom Moskauer Mythos unterscheiden.

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Вплоть до полномасштабной войны в Украине растущую зависимость от российского газа в Германии часто оправдывали тем, что Москва всегда была надежным поставщиком топлива по низким ценам. Игнорируя то, что подоплека действий Кремля из экономической давно стала политической. Когда это произошло и к каким привело последствиям?

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Dieser Beitrag ist ein Teil unseres Projekts „Russlands Geschichtsmythen entlarvt“. Mehr Narrative dekodieren Andrej Archangelski: Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen.  Wir sind beide noch in der Sowjetzeit geboren – […]

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Глава 1. Красный газ У каждой истории есть отправной пункт. У нашей он расположен там, где, кажется, ничего не напоминает о газе или международной торговле энергоносителями — в Лайцхалле. Это главный концертный зал Гамбурга — «вольного и ганзейского города», как он именуется официально. 6 июня 1967 года туда стекаются сотни людей. Парковка перед зданием — […]

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Andrej Archangelski:  Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen.   Sergej Medwedew:  Bei mir ist es ähnlich. Ich sehe mich noch als Dritt- oder Viertklässler, 1975/76, schon als Pionier: Ein Wintermorgen, […]

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dekoder feiert 10. Geburtstag! Schenk uns – und dir – weitere Jahre geballte dekoder-Energie!

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Bis zum Beginn des vollumfänglichen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, wurde die wachsende Abhängigkeit von russischem Gas in Deutschland häufig damit gerechtfertigt, Moskau habe doch stets zuverlässig geliefert. Ein Blick auf die Details zeigt ein anderes Bild.

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Eine Reise in die Zeit, als mehrere tausend Kilometer lange Pipelines gebaut wurden – und man noch glaubte, mit Gashandel Völker verbinden und diplomatische Spannungen überbrücken zu können.

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hallo ABC

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1. Wie die Illusion von Wahrheit erzeugt wird Gegen 5 Uhr morgens am 24. Februar 2022 beginnen die russischen Truppen einen großflächigen Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Die Invasion rückt rasch über vier Achsen voran: auf Kyjiw und Charkiw, auf den Donbass und auf den Süden der Ukraine aus Richtung der Halbinsel Krim. Gleichzeitig verübt Russland […]

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In ihrer Kurzgeschichte aus dem Jahr 2014 erkundet die belarussische Autorin Mariya Lappo die trügerischen Vorzüge eines Lebens in Abschottung. In unserem Literatur-Special präsentieren wir den Text erstmals auf Deutsch.

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Konzept, Design und Umsetzung: Alexandra HeidsiekRedaktion: Anton Himmelspach

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Большинство расхожих объяснений происхождения словосочетания «Белая Русь» не имеет под собой научной основы. Откуда оно взялось на самом деле и как стало именем государства, рассказывает беларуский историк Виктор Шадурский.

\n","date":"2024-11-29T12:27:06","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":295}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Виктор Шадурский","authorDescription":"Беларуский историк. В 1984 году окончил Белорусский государственный университет по специальности «история», защитил кандидатскую и докторскую диссертации. С сентября 2008 по март 2021 года работал деканом и профессором факультета международных отношений БГУ. В марте 2021 года из-за своей научной и гражданской позиции был уволен из университета. С апреля 2022 года совместно с профессором Университета имени Юстуса Либига (Гиссен, Германия) занимается научным проектом «Республика Беларусь: от парламентской демократии к авторитарному режиму (1990–1996)», финансово поддерживаемым Фондом Герды Хенкель (Германия). Автор более 200 научных публикаций.","authorImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/Shadurski-Victor-2023-01-06_15-53-02_sw-1.jpg"}},"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"ru/belarus-imya-istorija","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-768x512.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-900x600.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-768x512.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-900x600.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"ru"},"translations":[{"databaseId":118587}]},{"title":"Julja Piljulja (Danylowa) ","databaseId":161567,"excerpt":"

Geboren in Charkiw, aufgewachsen in Horliwka im Donbas. Als Kind schrieb Julja Danylowa Artikel für die Kinderzeitung Skrepka (dt. Büroklammer). 2014 musste sie mit 18 Jahren vor der russischen Invasion ihre Heimatregion verlassen. Sie zog nach Charkiw und machte dort 2018 ihren Abschluss an der Kulturakademie Charkiw.  Seitdem arbeitet sie hauptsächlich mit Drucken, Comics und […]

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Geboren 1975 im Ural, lebt seit 2010 in Charkiw (Ukraine).   Oleg Michajlow ist Autor und Dramaturg – ausgebildeter Schauspieler, arbeitete als Radiomoderator, schreibt seit 2005 Theaterstücke und ist bei Theaterfestivals in Kyjiw, Charkiw und Kramatorsk vertreten.  Seine Stücke werden in der Ukraine beispielsweise am Kyjiwer Akademischen Theater Soloti Worota (dt. Goldenes Tor), dem Charkiwer Staatlichen […]

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I Der Riese kam immer nachts. Wenn die Wintersonne unwillig aus dem kühlen Meer kroch und die Stadt erhellte, mussten ihre Einwohner feststellen, dass der Riese auch in dieser Nacht mehrere Häuser zerstört hatte. Die Einwohner liebten ihre Stadt sehr, darum war es kein Wunder, dass sie bitterlich weinten, wenn sie jeden Morgen wieder neue […]

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„Ein neues Märchen. Ich schreibe immer düsterer, also … ein Märchen über die Angst.“   Mit diesen Worten veröffentlichte der Charkiwer Dramaturg und Kinderbuchautor Oleg Michajlow im Dezember 2023 die Geschichte von dem Jungen Petja, der sich mit einem Plüsch-Hahn, einer Rennmaus und einem Hauskater anschickt, den bösen Riesen zu erlegen, der seine Familie und sein […]

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Ein Kapitel des deutschen Vernichtungsfeldzugs gegen die Sowjetunion, das oft übersehen wird, ist die Politik der „verbrannten Dörfer“ in Belarus. Die NS-Besatzer zerstörten im ganzen Land über 9.000 Dörfer – viele davon wurden für immer ausgelöscht.

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Die Slawistin Nina Weller über die Entstehung und Rezeption des Buches Feuerdörfer, das Literatur und Erinnerungskultur gleichermaßen veränderte.

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Das Buch Feuerdörfer von Ales Adamowitsch, Janka Bryl und Uladsimir Kalesnik ist über Generationen hinweg zu einem der prägendsten Werke der belarussischen Literatur geworden. Wir haben zeitgenössische Autorinnen, Schriftsteller und Lyrikerinnen aus Belarus gefragt, welche Bedeutung das Buch für sie hat.  

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Der Übersetzer Thomas Weiler hat das Buch Feuerdörfer, 50 Jahre nach der Erstveröffentlichung, erstmals aus dem Belarussischen ins Deutsche übertragen. Wir präsentieren einen Auszug aus seiner Übersetzung.

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Nach 50 Jahren erscheint Feuerdörfer erstmals auf Deutsch. Das Buch über die Wehrmachtsverbrechen in Belarus erschütterte die sowjetische Gesellschaft – ein Special, unter anderem mit der Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexijewitsch.

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Ein dekoder-Gesopräch mit der belarussischen Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexjiewitsch über das Buch Feuerdörfer, ihren Mentor Ales Adamowitsch und über das menschliche Leiden in der Literatur.

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Имя Кастуся Калиновского носит беларуский добровольческий полк, который сейчас воюет с российскими оккупантами в Украине. Им же была названа одна из советских партизанских бригад, сражавшихся против немецких захватчиков в годы Второй мировой войны. Кем был этот человек, ставший одним из главных героев беларуского исторического пантеона благодаря руководству восстанием 1863–1864 годов против Российской империи?

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Krieg gegen die Ukraine, Corona-Pandemie, internationaler Haftbefehl: Unsere Daten zeigen, wie sich die Auslandsreisen des russischen Präsidenten zwischen 2000 und 2024 verändert haben.

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Kastus Kalinouski war Anführer des Januaraufstands gegen das Zarenreich. Deswegen wird er als Kämpfer für die belarussische Unabhängigkeit verehrt, die Machthaber um Lukaschenko wollen ihn dagegen aus der Geschichte streichen. Viktor Schadurski über eine komplexe Figur im Zerrbild von Ideologie und Propaganda.

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Seit zwei Jahren reist der Fotograf Ludwig Nikulski immer wieder an die Grenzen der Ukraine. Mit seiner Kamera beobachtet er, wie der Krieg das Grenzland verändert, das diesen Krieg vom Rest Europas trennt.

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An einem bewölkten Augusttag 2016 taucht am Pirogowskaja Ufer in Sankt Petersburg ein Banner mit der Aufschrift „Ihr kreuzigt die Freiheit, doch die menschliche Seele kennt keine Fesseln“ auf. Ein Déjà Vu für Putin, falls er es gesehen hat: Vierzig Jahre zuvor hatte er als junger KGB-Offizier die Entfernung eben jener Inschrift veranlasst – damals […]

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Knete, Drucker, Kleidung – russischen Streetartists ist jedes Mittel recht, um ihre Botschaften zu verbreiten. Ihr Protest ist eindrücklich – und ungeahnt kreativ.

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Russische Streetart gegen den Krieg – Von Alleinkämpfern, einer transregionalen feministischen Bewegung und alltäglichen Widerstandspraktiken.

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Erinnerungen, Traumata, ein aufziehender Bürgerkrieg: Darum geht es in dem Roman Libido des belarussischen Schriftstellers Illja Sin, der 2018 erschien. Wir präsentieren Auszüge aus der ausgezeichneten Antiutopie.

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84 года назад завершилась советско-финляндская война. Поначалу полномасштабную агрессию России против Украины часто сравнивали именно с ней. Но эта война закончилась всего за три с лишним месяца.

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Почему протесты редко заканчиваются свержением авторитарного режима

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История украденной революции в Казахстане

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Ein Gespräch mit Friederike Meltendorf über journalistisches Übersetzen.

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На исходе второго года агрессии против Украины создается впечатление, что антивоенный протест в России сошел на нет

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Woher der Eindruck kommt, dass sich in Russland niemand gegen den Krieg einsetzt

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In Europa verkannt, in Belarus teilweise verboten: In unserem Special könnt ihr Kurzprosa und Geschichten von Autoren und Schriftstellerinnen klassischer und zeitgenössischer belarussischer Literatur entdecken – mit Illustrationen von Katsiaryna Dubovik.

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Mit der Kurzgeschichte Zuhause debütierte Michas Stralzou im Jahr 1957. In dieser setzt sich der belarussisch-sowjetische Schriftsteller mit den Auswirkungen der Landflucht auseinander, die nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in der Belarussischen Sowjetrepublik einsetzte.

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Die Erzählung Die Feldlerche von Zjotka stammt aus dem Jahr 1914. Sie ist von der Idee geprägt, dass man sie an einem kalten Winterabend mit der ganzen Familie lesen kann, und dabei nicht nur Belarus, sondern auch Natur und Dorfleben besser kennenlernt.

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Krieg, Repressionen, Flucht und Exil: Rückblick auf ein düsteres Jahr 2023 in Bildern und Texten aus Russland, Belarus und der Ukraine

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1. The illusion of truth In the early hours of 24 February 2022, Russian troops began a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, crossing the border and then heading at speed in the direction of Kyiv and Kharkiv, through Donbas and southern Ukraine towards Crimea, all the while launching missile strikes at targets across the country. News […]

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Viele Russinnen und Russen unterstützen den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Propaganda spielt dabei eine Schlüsselrolle. Wir haben mehr als drei Millionen Artikel der wichtigsten propagandistischen Nachrichtenagentur Russlands analysiert und daraus die Muster herausgelesen, nach denen Propaganda funktioniert.

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Как пропаганда заставила миллионы россиян поверить в то, что война — самый верный путь к миру. Дата-исследование «Новой газеты Европа» и декодера.

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В сети пропаганды В 1999 году BBC выпустила на восьми тогда еще VHS-кассетах проект на русском языке о том, как делать телевидение. В последней части Владимир Познер разговаривает с известными в то время тележурналистами о профессиональной этике – что нужно, а что нельзя рассказывать людям? Можно ли с благими намерениями скрывать значимую информацию? Обязательно ли […]

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Что россияне думаю о войне против Украины? Многое говорит о том, что россияне в большинстве своем не хотели этой войны. Тем не менее, опросы и социологические эксперименты показывают, что после начала вторжения как минимум половина населения поддерживает как Путина, так и действия российской армии. По опросам Левады-Центра начиная с февраля 2022 – от 68 до […]

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Wie funktioniert russische Propaganda? Welche Narrative werden verbreitet? Und wie schafft man damit hohe Zustimmungswerte für Putin und den Krieg gegen die Ukraine? Ergebnisse einer Daten-Recherche von dekoder, Novaya Gazeta Europe und Süddeutscher Zeitung.

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У сваім эсэ беларускі пісьменнік Адам Свіргул тлумачыць, наколькі адкрыцці Курапатаў сфармавалі яго пакаленне і чаму ён лічыць памяць аб злачынствах сталінскага тэрору ключом да будучыні Беларусі.

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In seinem Essay erzählt der belarussische Autor Adam Swirgul, wie sehr die Entdeckungen von Kurapaty seine Generation prägten und warum er das Gedenken an die dortigen Verbrechen des Stalinschen Terrors für einen Schlüssel zur Zukunft von Belarus hält.

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Was wissen wir zu den Verbrechen, die in Kurapaty begangen wurden, und was nicht? Der Historiker Igor Kusnetzow über den schwierigen Weg der historischen Wahrheitsfindung zu einem der zentralen Orte des Stalinschen Terrors in Belarus.

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Dieser Artikel zu den Massengräbern in Kurapaty aus dem Jahr 1988 veränderte die belarussische Geschichte und Gesellschaft. Wir bringen den Artikel in einer vollständigen Neuübersetzung von Tina Wünschmann aus dem Belarussischen.

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Kurapaty ist ein Wendepunkt in der jüngeren belarussischen Geschichte. Als die Entdeckung von Massengräbern am nordwestlichen Rand der belarussischen Hauptstadt Minsk im Jahr 1988 bekannt wurde, ging ein Aufschrei durch die Gesellschaft. Wie konnte es passieren, dass Zehntausende Belarussen unter Stalin ermordet wurden? Warum wurde so lange über das Thema geschwiegen?

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Kapitel 1. Das rote Gas Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat. Duis aute irure dolor in reprehenderit in voluptate velit esse cillum dolore eu fugiat […]

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Was muss passieren, damit Russland nicht noch einmal die Chance auf eine demokratische Entwicklung verspielt? Aus dem Gefängnis heraus hat Alexej Nawalny eine Debatte darüber angestoßen, welche Lehren aus den Fehlern der 1990er Jahre gezogen werden müssen. dekoder stellt die interessantesten Beiträge vor.

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Das totalitäre Erbe kann nur überwunden werden, wenn die Schuldigen benannt und zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden, schreibt Wladimir Kara-Mursa.

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Alexej Nawalny warnt davor, noch einmal demokratische Prinzipien zugunsten pragmatischer Lösungen aufzugeben.

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Es ist zu leicht, alle Schuld auf Putin und seine Beamten abzuwälzen: Auch die russische Gesellschaft muss sich unbequeme Fragen stellen, meint Maxim Trudoljubow auf Meduza.

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О проекте «Мы хотим быть свободными людьми», — под этим лозунгом 17 июня 1953 года больше миллиона жителей ГДР вышло на улицы в первом из серии выступлений против коммунистической диктатуры в Восточной Европе. Потребовалось больше трех десятилетий, чтобы после кровавого подавления восстания немцы и вместе с ними все восточные европейцы добились свободы. С этого момента […]

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Как Майдан подготовил украинское общество к борьбе против российской агрессии

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Mit dem Ende der Diktaturen in Osteuropa glaubten viele, das demokratische Zeitalter breche an. Die Autokratien wurden jedoch zahlreicher und repressiver, heute kämpfen Millionen für ihre Freiheit. Manche gewinnen, die anderen scheitern. Können Freiheitsbewegungen voneinander lernen?

\n","date":"2023-06-16T11:14:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":285},{"databaseId":39921}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"freedom-protest","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":360,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"freiheit-protest","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":"© Maxim Dondyuk","beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":85729}]},{"title":"Das Großfürstentum in den Wolken","databaseId":83881,"excerpt":"

Als Belarus mit dem Ende der Sowjetunion im Jahr 1991 die Unabhängigkeit erlangte, forcierte sich auch die Suche nach einer nationalen Identität und einer eigenen Geschichtsschreibung. Abseits sowjetischer Narrative und Doktrine. In dieser Zeit des Aufbruchs wurde das Großfürstentum Litauen sozusagen einer der Dreh- und Angelpunkte dieser Suche. In seinem Beitrag beschreibt der belarussische Philosoph Ihar Babkou die Rolle des Großfürstentums für die damaligen Hoffnungen und Sehnsüchte der Belarussen.

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Die Schlacht bei Orscha im Jahr 1514 ist eines der bedeutenden Ereignisse für das Großfürstentum Litauen. Ein Ereignis, das bis heute Fragen aufwirft und auch prägend für die nationale Identität der Belarussen ist. Hienadź Sahanovič, als Historiker einer der Experten für diese kriegerische Auseinandersetzung, erklärt die Hintergründe der Schlacht, ihre politischen Folgen und ihre Bedeutung für die Gegenwart.

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Polen und Belarus teilen eine über Jahrhunderte verbundene Geschichte. Vor allem durch die gemeinsame Zugehörigkeit zum Großfürstentum Litauen und zur polnisch-litauischen Adelsrepublik. Es ist eine Geschichte, die nicht immer unproblematisch war und sich seit 1991 mitunter auf die Beziehungen zwischen beiden Ländern auswirkt. Diese beleuchtet der polnische Politologe Kamil Kłysiński in seinem Beitrag.

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Die Litauer waren eine der ersten Nationen, die sich mit den belarussischen Protesten im Jahr 2020 solidarisierten. Als tausende Belarussen im Zuge der Repressionen aus ihrem Land flüchten mussten, nahm Litauen diese Flüchtlinge aus dem Nachbarland bereitwillig auf. Die gemeinsame Geschichte, die das baltische Land mit Belarus teilt, geht vor allem auf die Zeit des Großfürstentums zurück. Der Historiker und Politologe Andrzej Pukszto erörtert in seinem Beitrag die Herausforderungen dieser Vergangenheit für die litauisch-belarussischen Beziehungen.

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Ruthenisch? Schon mal gehört? Nein? Kein Problem. Michael Moser, Sprachwissenschaftler an der Universität Wien, erklärt die Ursprünge und Mysterien einer Sprache, die als Kanzleisprache des Großfürstentum Litauens zu Ruhm gelangte und die nicht selten zu einer Art „Alt-Belarusisch” vereinfacht wird.

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Das Großfürstentum Litauen war einer der größten Staaten der Erde. Er erstreckte sich von der Ostsee bis zum Schwarzen Meer. Die multikulturelle und in vielfacher Hinsicht grenzüberwindende Faszination dieses Herrschaftsgebietes hat auch die polnische Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Olga Tokarczuk zu ihrem opus magnum „Die Jakobsbücher“ inspiriert. 

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Как церковь, пострадавшая от советского авторитаризма, стала провозвестницей российского

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Es sollte eine rasche Militäroperation werden. Daraus wurde jedoch ein großflächiger, verlustreicher Abnutzungskrieg: Historiker Michael Jonas über den finnisch-sowjetischen Winterkrieg 1939/40.

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Die Kriegsfront hat sich auch in die Welt der Zeichen und Symbole verlagert – in Russland wie in der Ukraine. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger stellen Symbole, Zeichen und Begriffe der ukrainischen Subversion und Gegenwehr vor.

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Подробный разбор перевода — большая редкость в практике перевода журналистики. Анна Шибарова предприняла такую попытку и открывает в своем метатексте новые слои оригинала и перевода.

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Мем с кошечками завирусился в русскоязычном интернете. А можно перевести игру слов? Ирина Знаменская задала этот вопрос в фейсбуке. Саша Харитонский написал об этом пост, а Дженни Зейц перевела его на немецкий. Дополнение Александры Берлиной отвечает на вопрос: Что такое мемы?

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Что увидит переводчик, если заглянет сам себе через плечо? Какие вопросы он себе задаст? С кем поведет внутренний диалог? Хартмут Шрёдер прибегнул в процессе перевода к старому культурному приему, а именно к ведению дневника – и предоставил нам результат.

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Рут Альтенхофер изучает собственные переводы интервью для dekoder, обнажая свои приемы и цели: «Создать у читателей и читательниц dekoder, даже не понимающих по-русски, ощущение, что они присутствуют при разговоре»

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Что такое перевод журналистики? Где им занимаются? В большинстве СМИ переводят лишь изредка, отдельные материалы — а для dekoder это несущая идея, его насущный хлеб. И как же это устроено в реальности? И что об этом думают переводчики и переводчицы, редакторки и редакторы?

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Политкорректность не стала нормой в русском языке. Что же делать, если при переводе текста приходится об этом задумываться? Сделать вид, что проблемы нет? И тем самым, в сущности, отказать в переводе автору или его героям? Нет, это не выход, говорит Мария Райер, которая выступает за прозрачность и право голоса для всех.

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Какие сложности мы преодолеваем, переводя журналистские тексты? Какие из них связаны с конкретным текстом, а какие встречаются постоянно, меняя только образ/текст/текстуру? Хенриетте Рейснер предложила несколько тезисов, которые мы обсудили в нашей мастерской Neustart.

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Как задумывался этот спецпроект и что за ним стоит.

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между культурой, политикой и эстетикой

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Александра Берлина о звездочках, фигах в кармане и других формах протеста, а также о сложном вопросе: как переводить антивоенную символику?

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На что способны эссе? Как они устроены? На что нужно обращать внимание, чтобы они не проигрывали в переводе? Анья Шлоссбергер-Оберхаммер о переводе журналисткого жанра, столько важного для неспокойных времен именно тем, что он никого не пытается переубедить.

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Журналистские тексты меняются со временем и в зависимости от того, где, как и в каком контексте они публикуются. Репортажи «Новой газеты» здесь не исключение. Как эти изменения проявляются в переводе? Ирина Бондас отправляется в путешествие между текстами, временами и языками.

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How the special took shape and what lies behind it

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What does journalistic translation involve and where does it happen? Whereas most media outlets only occasionally have a piece translated, translation is fundamental to the entire concept of dekoder. How does something like that work? And what does it mean for translators and editors?

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The Russian language is not, in the narrower meaning of the term, politically correct. What does a translator do when faced with such aspects in a text? Pretend they aren’t there? And perhaps, by doing so, do an injustice to the authors and protagonists? That is certainly not the answer, says Maria Rajer, who calls for transparency and self-empowerment in translation work.

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What can essays do? How do they do it? And what has to be kept in mind when they are being translated to ensure that they will still be able to do it in the other language? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer on the translation of a journalistic form whose importance in times of turmoil lies in the fact that it does not seek to convince its readers of something.

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Ruth Altenhofer observed herself translating interviews for dekoder in order to figure out just what it is she is doing when she translates. And she concluded: “I make sure that dekoder readers who cannot understand Russian feel like they are sitting right there at the table during the conversation.” Here, she tells us how.

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The close-reading of a translation is not often done with journalistic translations. Together with her students, Anna Shibarova did just that – and her metatext opens up new layers of a text and its translation.

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It is thanks to translators that there are texts in languages and cultures that they did not originate in. So it is annoying when people behave as though translators don’t exist, as sometimes happens. But where can and should translators be visible? Larissa Schippel addresses the question from a translation theory perspective.

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If a translator looks over his own shoulder as he translates, what does he see? What does he ask himself? And with whom does he argue? Hartmut Schröder adopted a venerable cultural technique while working on a translation: journal-keeping. And then he let us have it.

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A cat meme goes viral on the Russian-language Internet. On Facebook, university lecturer Irina Znamenskaya asked – how can the language-based joke be translated? Sasha Kharitonski responded in a post which Zachary King translated into English. Alexandra Berlina’s addendum seeks to answer the question: What are memes, actually?

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Journalistic texts change over time and with the setting, manner and context in which they appear. Novaya Gazeta’s reportage is an example. How is this manifest during translation? Irina Bondas sets out on a path through texts, times and languages.

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What challenges do we encounter when translating journalistic texts – which of these are text-specific, and which crop up repeatedly, just in different garb. Henriette Reisner on topics discussed in our Neustart workshop.

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Alexandra Berlina on asterisks, figs in the pocket and other forms of protest, as well as the difficult question of how to translate signals and anti-war symbolism.

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Die 1990er Jahre waren revolutionär für die belarussische Musik: Eine Zeit der mutigen Experimente und die Geburtsstunde eines echten, gesunden belarussischen Showbusiness. Eine Hommage von Nasha Niva.

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Rebellion durch Sprache: In der Kultur der Rock- und Alternativmusik nimmt das Belarussische seit den 1980er Jahren eine bedeutende Stellung ein. Wir haben einige belarussische Kulturpersönlichkeiten befragt, wie sie zum Belarussischen gekommen sind und warum sie die Sprache für ihre Musik oder ihre Arbeit zu verwenden begannen.

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Aus dem digitalen Fotoarchiv der Musik-Zeitung, das mit dem Aufkommen erschwinglicher Digitalkameras um das Jahr 2000 seinen Anfang nahm, zeigen wir eine Auswahl an Fotos aus jener Zeit, in der die belarussische Rockmusik tonangebend und stilprägend war.

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Zs und Vs auf Autos, Panzern und öffentlichen Plätzen – der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine wird auch auf Ebene der Codes, Symbole und Zeichen geführt. Doch derer bedient sich nicht nur die russische Propaganda, sondern auch die Protestbewegung in Russland. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger mit einer Momentaufnahme dieser coded language und ausgewählten Beispielen – in Wort und Bild.

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Der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine ist auch ein Krieg der Symbole. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger zeigen ausgewählte Beispiele – in Wort und Bild.

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Journalistische Texte verändern sich über die Zeit und in Abhängigkeit davon, wo und wie und in welchem Kontext sie erscheinen. Die Reportagen der Novaya Gazeta sind ein Beispiel dafür Wie macht sich das beim Übersetzen bemerkbar? Irina Bondas begibt sich auf den Weg zwischen Texte, Zeiten und Sprachen.

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Was heißt journalistisches Übersetzen und wo findet es statt? Während in den meisten Medien oft nur einzelne Beiträge übersetzt werden, ist das Übersetzen bei dekoder ein tragender Teil des Konzepts. Wie funktioniert so etwas? Und was bedeutet das für Übersetzer:innen und Redakteur:innen?

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zwischen Kultur, Politik und Ästhetik

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Dank Übersetzern gibt es Texte in jeweils anderen Sprachen und Kulturen. Da ist es ärgerlich, wenn manche so tun, als gäbe es sie nicht. An welchen Stellen also können und sollten die Übersetzer:innen sichtbar werden? Das beleuchtet Larisa Schippel aus übersetzungswissenschaftlicher Perspektive.

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Welchen Herausforderungen begegnen wir beim Übersetzen journalistischer Texte – was davon ist spezifisch und was begegnet uns immer wieder, nur in unterschiedlichen Kleidern/Texten/in unterschiedlicher Textur? Henriette Reisner mit Thesen, die wir im Neustart-Workshop diskutierten.

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Alexandra Berlina über Sternchen, Hosentaschenfeigen und andere Protestformen sowie die schwierige Frage: Wie übersetzt man Zeichen und Antikriegssymbolik?

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Ein Kätzchen-Meme geht viral im russischsprachigen Internet. Wie kann man den Sprachwitz übersetzen?, fragte die Dozentin Irina Snamenskaja auf Facebook. In einem Post hat sich Sascha Charitonski dazu Gedanken gemacht, Jennie Seitz hat ihn ins Deutsche übersetzt. Alexandra Berlina fragt im Nachtrag: Was sind eigentlich Memes?

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Ruth Altenhofer beobachtet ihre eigenen Interview-Übersetzungen für dekoder und kommt dabei ihrem Tun auf die Schliche: „Ich sorge dafür, dass dekoder-LeserInnen, die kein Russisch verstehen, das Gefühl haben, mit am Tisch zu sitzen.“ Hier beschreibt sie, wie sie das macht.

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Wenn ein Übersetzer sich selbst über die Schulter und auf die Finger schaut, was sieht er da? Welche Fragen stellt er sich? Und mit wem diskutiert er? Hartmut Schröder hat während einer Übersetzung zu einer alten Kulturtechnik gegriffen, nämlich Tagebuch geschrieben – und es uns überlassen.

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Close-Reading einer Übersetzung – das kommt im journalistischen Übersetzen nicht oft vor. Anna Shibarowa tat es und eröffnet durch ihren Metatext neue Schichten eines Textes und seiner Übersetzung.

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Was können Essays? Und wie machen sie das? Und was muss man beim Übersetzen beachten, damit sie es in der anderen Sprache auch noch tun? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer über das Übersetzen einer journalistischen Form, die in unruhigen Zeiten wichtig ist, weil sie nicht überzeugen will.

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Politisch korrekt im engeren Sinne ist die russische Sprache nicht. Was macht eine Übersetzerin, die mit solchen Aspekten im Text konfrontiert ist? So tun, als wäre nichts? Und damit Autoren und Protagonisten womöglich nicht gerecht werden? Das ist bestimmt keine Lösung, so Maria Rajer, die für Transparenz und Selbstermächtigung beim Übersetzen plädiert.

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Wie das Special entstanden ist und was dahinter steckt.

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Russlands Präsident Wladimir Putin eskaliert den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. In den russisch besetzten Teilen der Ukraine sind vermeintliche „Referenden“ über einen Beitritt zu Russland angekündigt. Warum das keine echten Referenden sind und inwiefern das Vorgehen Teil der russischen Kriegsführung ist – das erklären die Wissenschaftlerinnen Cindy Wittke und Gwendolyn Sasse.

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Das Kernkraftwerk Saporishshja – das leistungsstärkste AKW in Europa – liegt im Kriegsgebiet in der Ukraine. Es ist von der russischen Armee besetzt, so etwas hat es bisher nicht gegeben. Wie groß ist die Gefahr für einen Reaktorunfall? Kann es ein zweites Tschernobyl geben?

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Беларуская міфалогія

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беларуская мифология

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Seit dem 24. Februar 2022 führt Russland einen offenen Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine. Wie rechtfertigt Putin diesen Krieg? Wie leistet die Ukraine Widerstand? Und wo liegen die Chancen der Diplomatie? Dazu schreiben Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler in unserem FAQ

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«Украина переживет эту войну, как пережила Голодомор, массовые депортации крестьян и гонения на украинских диссидентов. Украина переживет и выстоит». Украинский писатель Андрей Курков рассказывает о Дне Независимости своей страны — ровно через полгода после начала полномасштабного вторжения России в Украину.

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Am 24. August feiert die Ukraine traditionell ihre Unabhängigkeit, auf die es Russland nicht erst mit dem vor sechs Monaten losgetretenen Angriffskrieg abgesehen hat. Was bedeutet der Krieg für das Unabhängigkeitsgefühl der Ukrainer? Und wie blicken die den Ukrainern verbundenen Belarussen auf den Feiertag? Darüber schreiben die beiden Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow und Alhierd Bacharevič.

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Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, bei dem auch Belarus eine unheilvolle Rolle spielt, sieht sich der Schriftsteller und Lyriker Alhierd Bacharevič einer schmerzhaften Zerrissenheit ausgeliefert.

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„Die Ukraine wird diesen Krieg überleben.” Davon ist der ukrainische Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow überzeugt. Seit Beginn der großen russischen Invasion vor einem halben Jahr beschäftigt er sich nicht mehr mit der Fiktion seiner Romane, sondern damit, der Welt die Geschichte und Kultur seines Landes näherzubringen.

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Im Krieg gegen die Ukraine steht der belarussische Machthaber Alexander Lukaschenko an der Seite des russischen Präsidenten Putin. Doch bislang sind keine seiner Truppen beteiligt. Warum hilft er Putin? Was hat er zu gewinnen, was zu verlieren? Und was bedeutet das für seinen eigenen Machterhalt?

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Das war der Stand nach drei Monaten Krieg: Wie lief der Krieg bis dato ab? Wie leistet die ukrainische Armee Widerstand? Und wie groß ist die Gefahr einer atomaren Eskalation?

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Kurz nach dem Angriff auf die Hauptstadt Kiew bot der ukrainische Präsident Selensky eine Neutralität seines Landes an – allerdings geknüpft an Bedingungen.
\nWas kann eine neutrale Ukraine denn theoretisch überhaupt heißen? Und wäre das so eine einfache Lösung, wie es klingt?

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Die Hoffnung lag von Beginn an auf der Diplomatie. Doch wie sind die Chancen auf einen möglichen Waffenstillstand? Kann nicht doch die UNO helfen? Warum ist es so schwierig, mit Putin an den Verhandlungstisch zu gehen?

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Wie hat Wladimir Putin den Angriff auf Kiew und die großflächige Invasion am 24. Februar 2022 begonnen? Und mit welchen Propaganda-Formeln versucht er, ihn legitim erscheinen zu lassen?

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Vorgehen gegen „ausländische Agenten“ in Medien und Zivilgesellschaft, Memorial International aufgelöst, Alexej Nawalny im Straflager … 2021 – ein Jahr des Shifts in Russland.

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У Беларусі святкуюць каталіцкае і праваслаўнае Раство, знітаваны з савецкім мінулым Новы год і – Каляды. У гэтай кароткай гнозе мы тлумачым, што гэта за старажытная традыцыя і адкуль яна паходзіць.

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In Belarus wird das katholische und orthodoxe Weihnachten gefeiert, dazu das aus der Sowjetunion stammende Neujahr und: Kaljady. In dieser kurzen Gnose erklären wir, was es mit diesem archaischen Weihnachtsfest auf sich hat und woher es stammt.

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Жыла сабе адна краіна. Жыла як усе — то добра, то ня вельмі. Жыхары ейныя былі працавітыя ды руплівыя — сеялі, жалі, будавалі, пісалі кнігі, сьпявалі песьні, нараджалі дзяцей. Адно было ў гэтай краіне ня так, як ва ўсіх — ня мела яна караля. Ну, ня мела й ня мела. Зьбіралася двойчы на год рада […]

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Вплоть до полномасштабной войны в Украине растущую зависимость от российского газа в Германии часто оправдывали тем, что Москва всегда была надежным поставщиком топлива по низким ценам. Игнорируя то, что подоплека действий Кремля из экономической давно стала политической. Когда это произошло и к каким привело последствиям?

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Труба империи

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Вплоть до полномасштабной войны в Украине растущую зависимость от российского газа в Германии часто оправдывали тем, что Москва всегда была надежным поставщиком топлива по низким ценам. Игнорируя то, что подоплека действий Кремля из экономической давно стала политической. Когда это произошло и к каким привело последствиям?

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После распада Советского Союза экспорт российского природного газа в Европу постоянно увеличивался. За три десятилетия постсоветской истории пропускная способность газопроводов, по которым газ с российских месторождений шел на Запад, выросла в два раза. В западноевропейских политических и экономических кругах долгое время царил консенсус: газопроводы — больше, чем просто транспортные пути для энергоносителей, они также вносят вклад в мир и взаимопонимание между странами. Однако уже с 2000-х годов Москва, во-первых, выбрала стратегию, в рамках которой новые газопроводы должны были идти в обход третьих стран, в первую очередь Центральной и Восточной Европы. А во-вторых, решила, что цены на энергоносители должны служить политическим целям: лояльные правительства — получать щедрые скидки, а неугодные — наказываться резким повышением цен.

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1. Постсоветские газопроводы

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В Советском Союзе за экспорт природного газа отвечало министерство газовой промышленности. С распадом СССР оно было преобразовано в гигантскую корпорацию под названием «Газпром». Несмотря на частичную приватизацию, контрольный пакет акций «Газпрома» никогда не выпадал из рук российского государства. Которое дало ему монопольное право на экспорт природного газа.

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Еще в 1990-е годы компания разработала амбициозные планы по наращиванию добычи и экспорта газа. Партнерство с западноевропейскими фирмами обеспечивало «Газпрому», с одной стороны, капитал для инвестиций, а с другой — поставку современного оборудования и технологий для освоения новых месторождений на Крайнем Севере, на Ямальском полуострове.

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Крупнейшими партнерами «Газпрома» в Германии стали фирмы Ruhrgas (позже E.ON, затем Uniper) и Wintershall

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Крупнейшими партнерами «Газпрома» в Германии стали фирмы Ruhrgas (позже E.ON, затем Uniper) и Wintershall. Последняя принадлежала немецкому концерну BASF (ныне Wintershall Dea). Обе компании наладили с «Газпромом» тесные связи и получили доли в российских газовых месторождениях, которыми тот управлял. В 2000-е Ruhrgas был еще и миноритарным акционером российской монополии. В начале 2010-х две эти немецкие фирмы заключили с «Газпромом» долгосрочные контракты сроком действия до 2036 и 2043 годов соответственно. Ruhrgas принимал участие в подготовке более чем двух тысяч молодых специалистов «Газпрома», свыше 1500 сотрудников компании проводили по приглашению Ruhrgas отпуска в Германии. Между корпорациями действовала также программа обмена для детей сотрудников.

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Важнейшей составляющей сотрудничества «Газпрома» с немецкими гигантами начиная с 1990-х годов стали проекты абсолютно новых трубопроводов, проложенных в Европу совершенно новыми маршрутами.

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В 1960–1980-е годы Советский Союз провел в Европу несколько газопроводов. В большинстве случаев это был результат бартерной торговли:

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  1. СССР получал на Западе стальные трубы, необходимые для строительства газопроводов.
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  2. Эти трубы оплачивали кредитами, также предоставленными Западом.
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  3. Кредиты погашали поставками природного газа из Советского Союза.
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В это время экспорт газа в Западную Европу стремительно рос: с 19 миллиардов кубометров в 1975 году до 110 миллиардов кубометров в 1990-м.

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До распада Советского Союза все экспортные газопроводы пролегали через территорию Украинской ССР. После него транзит основных объемов российского газа продолжился через Украину, с одним отличием — теперь она стала независимым государством.

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Проходит три года с момента, как СССР прекратил существование, когда «Газпром» и компания Wintershall начинают строительство нового газопровода — «Ямал–Европа». Он должен доставлять сибирский газ с месторождений на Ямальском полуострове в Германию.

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В 1999 году трубопровод введен в эксплуатацию и становится первым, по которому российский газ идет в Европу в обход Украины — через Беларусь и Польшу.

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В 2000-е «Газпром» работает над тем, чтобы уменьшить значимость транзитных стран при поставках. Благодаря следующему крупному проекту, «Голубому потоку» (Blue Stream), газ пошел из России в Турцию напрямую — по дну Черного моря.

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В 2011 году в эксплуатацию введен «Северный поток–1» — еще один газопровод в Германию, проходящий по дну Балтийского моря.

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В 2020-м построен второй газопровод в Турцию — «Турецкий поток» (TurkStream).

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На 2022 год планировался запуск «Северного потока–2», который должен был удвоить мощности первого.

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Не позднее 2009 года «Газпром» занялся планомерным снижением роли Украины как транзитной державы. Если в конце 1990-х весь газ в Европу шел через Украину, то в 2021 году — менее четверти от общего объема.

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Стремление обойти третьи страны изначально имело экономическую подоплеку: это позволяло экономить на транзитных пошлинах и снизить риск перебоев с поставками. Однако в случае с Украиной после кризиса 2014 года все большее значение приобретает геополитический мотив, поскольку эту страну — или, по крайней мере, ее правительство — в Москве теперь воспринимают как врага.

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Церемония открытия газопровода «Северный поток – 1» 8 ноября 2011 года в немецком Лубмине / Фото © kremlin.ru / CC BY 4.0
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Этот геополитический мотив тревожит транзитные страны, прежде всего Украину и Польшу. Они опасаются не только потери транзитных доходов, но и утраты инструмента для сдерживания российского давления.

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Этот же геополитический мотив становится причиной введения США санкций против «Северного потока–2» в декабре 2019 года. Не будь этого газопровода, соответствующий транзит и дальше бы продолжался через Украину. В Германии в то время нередко можно было услышать утверждение, будто США ввели санкции, потому что сами хотели продавать ей свой сжиженный газ. Но речь тогда шла не о сокращении поставок российского газа как таковом, а исключительно о маршруте его транспортировки: вместо Балтийского моря Россия должна была и дальше поставлять газ в Европу через Украину.

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2. Насколько Европа зависела от России на самом деле?

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Пика своей мощи российская «газовая империя» достигает в 2019 году. Экспорт природного газа из РФ взлетает до рекордных 260 миллиардов кубометров в год. Из них более 80% направляется в Европу (включая Турцию), свыше 10% — в соседние государства, бывшие республики Советского Союза. Почти 10% — в виде сжиженного газа — уходит в Азию, где крупнейшим покупателем является Япония.

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Применительно к Евросоюзу это означает: почти половина импортируемого газа приходится на Россию. Но так ли это много, как кажется?

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Попробуем разобраться.

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Итак, доля российского природного газа в газовом импорте Евросоюза составляла 47%.

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Чтобы понять смысл этого показателя, его нужно соотнести с тем, сколько газа ЕС потреблял в целом. Это можно сделать в два шага:

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Во-первых, необходимо узнать, сколько природного газа страны ЕС добывали сами: в 2019 году это около пятой части их совокупных потребностей. Иными словами, в общем потреблении природного газа в Евросоюзе на российские поставки приходилось около 40%.

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Во-вторых, нужно посмотреть, какова была доля природного газа в общем энергопотреблении (энергетическом балансе) с учетом других источников: нефти, угля, энергии ветра и солнца…

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И если посмотреть именно на энергетический баланс, то окажется, что в 2019 году лишь 8% всей энергии, потребленной в ЕС, пришлось на российский природный газ.

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В то же время показатели отдельных европейских стран сильно отличались друг от друга.

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Если взглянуть на данные не только Евросоюза, но и по Европе в целом (включая Турцию), то из 40 европейских государств 11 вообще не покупали российский газ. Другими словами, его доля что в импорте, что и в энергобалансе — ноль процентов.

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В некоторых других странах, напротив, 100% потребляемого природного газа поступало из России. Но и в их случае определяющей была именно доля российского газа в энергобалансе.

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Например, весь газ, который потребляли Финляндия и Эстония, поступал из России, однако в их энергобалансе он составлял лишь 7% и 8% соответственно. В Молдове, которая также на 100% зависела от газовых поставок из России, доля была более чем вдвое выше — 17%.

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Большинство европейских стран диверсифицировали источники газа. Лишь в 12 странах доля российского природного газа в общем энергобалансе превышала 10%.

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В Германии этот показатель составлял 13%. Самый высокий уровень среди стран ЕС был в Венгрии — более четверти.

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Абсолютным «рекордсменом» на европейском континенте, однако, оставалась (и остается) Беларусь: в 2019 году доля российского газа в ее энергобалансе составляла 81%.

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Но и значительная доля российского газа в энергобалансе не свидетельствовала автоматически о непосредственной зависимости от России. Ярче всего это демонстрирует пример Украины: в ответ на российскую военную агрессию 2014 года страна уже в 2016-м прекратила прямой импорт природного газа из России. Украина продолжала получать российский газ, но уже через европейских посредников. Ей было выгодно это хотя бы потому, что в ее случае газ, даже поступая в обход, через страны ЕС, стоил дешевле, чем если бы она покупала его у России напрямую.

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3. Друзьям — дешевле

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Когда в 1970-е годы советский природный газ начал конкурировать с нефтью, его цена в интересах покупателей была по сложным формулам привязана к цене на это топливо. При падении нефтяных цен снижалась и цена импортируемого газа. Это делало его конкурентоспособным на рынке энергоносителей. В свою очередь, поставщику долгосрочные контракты на несколько десятилетий обеспечивали стабильный источник дохода, оправдывая высокие расходы на строительство газопроводов.

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Это положение меняется с либерализацией газового рынка Евросоюза в 2009 году, а также с ростом поставок сжиженного газа (СПГ). СПГ транспортируется по морю и, подобно нефти, может продаваться на спотовых рынках — то есть краткосрочно и тому покупателю, который предложит самую высокую цену. При этом цена на СПГ некоторое время заметно ниже, чем газ по газпромовским ценам.

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В 2013 году немецкий энергетический концерн RWE в арбитражном суде добивается того, чтобы в контрактах с «Газпромом» привязка цены российского газа к цене на нефть была отменена. Благодаря чему получает от «Газпрома» компенсацию более чем в 1 миллиард евро за превышение рыночного уровня цен в период с 2010 года.

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Утверждение о том, что Россия продавала Германии свой газ по заведомо заниженным ценам, не соответствует действительности

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Следовательно, утверждение о том, что Россия продавала Германии свой газ по заведомо заниженным ценам, не соответствует действительности. На самом деле цены формировались по разной логике: в случае с газом из России это была (историческая) привязка к цене на нефть, в случае с СПГ — рыночный баланс спроса и предложения.

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Совершенно иную логику «Газпром» применял в отношении стран-соседей, ранее входивших в состав СССР. За дружественные, с точки зрения Москвы, геополитические действия она награждала правительства значительной скидкой, за ее недовольство им нередко приходилось расплачиваться резким повышением цен. Эти скачки дополнялись непрозрачными требованиями по оплате штрафов и процентов.

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Разница в ценах на газ для разных стран хорошо видна на примере Германии, с одной стороны, и Беларуси — с другой. Цены для двух этих стран никогда не были одинаковыми и никогда не менялись параллельно. В 2011 году Германия платила больше Беларуси на треть, в 2012-м — более чем в два раза, а в 2013-м — почти в четыре раза. В то время как цены для Германии колебались лишь незначительно, Беларусь получала скидку за скидкой. К 2013 году цены для этой страны упали до минимального уровня.

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Цены для Украины, ближайшей соседки Беларуси, менялись совершенно иначе. После «оранжевой революции», в ходе которой пророссийский кандидат Виктор Янукович проиграл президентские выборы, цена на газ для Украины постепенно выросла с 40 долларов США за 1000 кубометров до 305 долларов в 2010 году. Когда в 2010 году Янукович все-таки стал президентом Украины, уже в первый год его правления Украина получила скидку в 25%. Однако поскольку страна продолжала вести переговоры об ассоциации с ЕС, цены на газ для Украины вновь быстро выросли.

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В 2013 году за российские поставки Киеву приходилось платить почти в шесть раз больше, чем Минску.

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После заключения соглашения о евроассоциации в 2014 году Украине стало дешевле импортировать российский газ не из России напрямую, а из ЕС через посредников. С 2016-го прямые поставки российского газа в Украину прекратились.

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Аналогичная ситуация сложилась и для Грузии после войны с Россией 2008 года: страна вынуждена была платить за российский газ вдвое больше, чем Армения, в которую газ поступал транзитом через грузинскую же территорию.

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Цены «Газпрома» в 2010 году наглядно демонстрируют, что «политические друзья» могли покупать газ значительно дешевле: Беларусь и Армения, будучи союзниками России, платили самую низкую цену, в то время как Грузия и Украина, с которыми у Москвы были напряженные отношения, вынуждены были платить значительно больше.

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Сварка шва на церемонии подключения первого участка газопровода «Сила Сибири», 1 сентября 2014 года / Фото © Kremlin.ru, лицензия CC BY 4.0
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4. Закат «газовой империи»

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Поскольку в Евросоюзе хватало стран, которые действительно зависели от российского газа, он так и не ввел санкции, затронувшие его поставку даже после полномасштабного российского вторжения в Украину. Введенные санкции не были распространены и на «Газпромбанк», через который проходят платежи за российский газ.

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Россия, в свою очередь, не гнушалась тем, чтобы использовать зависимость ЕС от своего газа как инструмент давления. С одной стороны, покупателям было предписано оплачивать поставки в рублях — ради того, чтобы укрепить курс российской валюты. С другой — поставки были сокращены. Чтобы избежать судебных исков о компенсациях, «Газпром» искал и искал предлоги для сокращений. К примеру, отказывался забирать новую турбину для газопровода «Северный поток–1»… А затем в сентябре 2022 года в результате диверсий в Балтийском море газопровод «Северный поток–1» и одна из ниток «Северного потока–2» были повреждены настолько, что их дальнейшая эксплуатация стала невозможной.

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В 2022-м году использование газопроводов «Ямал – Европа» и «Северный поток–1» было прекращено.

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В том же году «Газпром» остановил поставки в большинство стран ЕС. Так, например, доля российского газа в импорте Германии за один год падает с пятидесяти с лишним процентов до нуля.

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В 2022 года прекращаются поставки по трубопроводам «Ямал—Европа» и «Северный поток—1».

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Транзит через Украину продолжался и после начала полномасштабной войны, но с использованием менее чем 10% доступных мощностей. Точка была поставлена лишь в конце 2024 года, когда истек срок действия российско-украинского транзитного договора.

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С тех пор поставки российского газа в ЕС продолжаются либо по трубопроводу TurkStream через территорию Турции и Балканских стран, либо — все чаще — в виде сжиженного газа.

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Причем у «Газпрома» даже в среднесрочной перспективе нет реальных альтернатив поставкам в Европу. Единственный газопровод, ориентированный на другие рынки сбыта, — «Сила Сибири» — протянут в Китай. Его строительство стартовало в 2014-м, а поставки начались в конце 2019 года. Но в 2021 году доля Китая в российском газовом экспорте составляла менее 10%.

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И даже теперь, после завершения в конце 2024 года строительства газопровода, экспорт в Китай сможет восполнить менее четверти объемов, шедших ранее в Европу. К тому же независимые эксперты рассматривают проект «Силы Сибири» как убыточный — из-за низких цен, которых удалось добиться Китаю.

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С 2022 года Россия фактически осталась без значительной части своей «газовой империи».

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После потери европейского рынка сбыта «Газпром» стремится построить новые экспортные газопроводы в Китай: «Силу Сибири – 2» и «Силу Сибири – 3». Однако договоренности с Китаем до сих пор не достигнуты. С учетом того, как долго строятся трубопроводы, единственной альтернативой для России в обозримом будущем просматривается только сжиженный газ. Но объемы поставок российского СПГ не впечатляют: в 2022 году доля сжиженного газа составляла в российском газовом экспорте лишь 15%. Увеличение объемов — долгосрочный проект, который осложняется западными санкциями, блокирующими получение технологий.

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Международное энергетическое агентство после 2022 года резко пересмотрело прогноз, касающийся экспорта российского газа в будущем, в сторону снижения. На 2030 год прогноз сокращен на две трети.

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Текст: Хайко Пляйнес
Редактура: Дмитрий Карцев, Леонид Климов и Юлиан Ханс
Визуализация данных и карты: Артем Щенников
Иллюстрация: Анна И.
Опубликовано 26 сентября 2025 года

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Хайко Пляйнес — профессор сравнительной политологии, руководитель направления политики и экономики Исследовательского центра Восточной Европы при Бременском университете. В центре его исследовательских интересов способы функционирования недемократических режимов. Конкретным примером для него часто служат конфликты в энергетическом секторе, касающиеся, в первую очередь, экспортных трубопроводов.

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Публикация подготовлена в рамках проекта «Невидимые войны России», который реализуется платформой дekoder при содействии и финансовой поддержке Университета Санкт-Галлена. Проект также поддержан фондом ZEIT STIFTUNG BUCERIUS в рамках программы «Открытая наука».

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Концепцию проекта разработали профессор Ульрих Шмид, Мэнди Ганске-Цапф и Леонид А. Климов.

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Источники данных:\n

Маршруты газопроводов: Global Energy Monitor, Global Gas Infrastructure Tracker, декабрь 2024 года, лицензия CC BY 4.0. Данные доработаны редакцией дekoder’а на основе научных публикаций, в частности: Per Högselius (2013) Red Gas. Russia and the Origins of European Energy Dependence.

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Война на востоке Украины это военный конфликт между Украиной и самопровозглашенными республиками ДНР и ЛНР. Украина утверждает, что Россия поддерживает сепаратистов, посылая на Украину военных и оружие, Россия отрицает эти обвинения. В результате вооруженного конфликта погибло более 12 000 человек. Несмотря на приложенные усилия, перемирие так и не было достигнуто.

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