![\"\"](\"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/09/k1_7-copy1.jpg\")
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Кастусь Калиновский
\nПочему миф об «одном народе и общей колыбели» так важен для путинского государства? В модерной парадигме народы ведут отсчет своей истории не от истоков своей государственности, а от начал нации. Нация древнее своих институтов, они — производное по отношению к ней. Государство тоже возникает на более поздней стадии самоорганизации нации; нация первична. Институт нации потеснил в Новое […]
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\n","date":"2026-05-13T09:45:34","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":97629}]},"tags":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":98291},{"databaseId":98299},{"databaseId":101383},{"databaseId":98307}]},"featuredImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/05/Gemini_Generated_Image_oqsb83oqsb83oqsb-e1778666236707.jpg"}},"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Dmitry Kartsev"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Dmitry Kartsev","authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"title-centered","menuTitle":"„Der Westen ist Russlands ewiger Feind, also braucht Moskau ‚Sicherheitsgarantien‘“","menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"de/russland-propaganda-geschichte-narrative-dekodiert/sicherheitsgarantien","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/05/Gemini_Generated_Image_oqsb83oqsb83oqsb-e1778666236707-300x180.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/05/Gemini_Generated_Image_oqsb83oqsb83oqsb-e1778666236707-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/05/Gemini_Generated_Image_oqsb83oqsb83oqsb-e1778666236707-768x461.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/05/Gemini_Generated_Image_oqsb83oqsb83oqsb-e1778666236707-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/05/Gemini_Generated_Image_oqsb83oqsb83oqsb-e1778666236707-900x540.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/05/Gemini_Generated_Image_oqsb83oqsb83oqsb-e1778666236707.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/05/Gemini_Generated_Image_oqsb83oqsb83oqsb-e1778666236707-300x180.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/05/Gemini_Generated_Image_oqsb83oqsb83oqsb-e1778666236707-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/05/Gemini_Generated_Image_oqsb83oqsb83oqsb-e1778666236707-768x461.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/05/Gemini_Generated_Image_oqsb83oqsb83oqsb-e1778666236707-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/05/Gemini_Generated_Image_oqsb83oqsb83oqsb-e1778666236707-900x540.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/05/Gemini_Generated_Image_oqsb83oqsb83oqsb-e1778666236707.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":213191}]},{"title":"„Crimea is a part of Russia“","databaseId":204603,"excerpt":"How did Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea unfold? On 27 February 2014, Russian special forces, who were armed and wore no identifying insignia, occupied the parliamentary building in the capital city of Simferopol. The legitimate prime minister of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Anatolii Mohyliov, was removed from office and replaced by Sergey Aksyonov a […]
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“Mutual relations, cooperation and security between NATO and the Russian Federation” are the subject-matter of the NATO–Russia Founding Act, which was signed in Paris on 27 May 1997 by the heads of states and governments of the NATO member countries, NATO Secretary General Javier Solana and Russian President Boris Yeltsin. It […]
\n","date":"2026-02-05T09:08:14","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":101331}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Ignaz Lozo"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Ignaz Lozo","authorDescription":"Dr. Ignaz Lozo is an expert on East Europe (his doctorate is in East European history) and a former television news correspondent in Moscow. He is the author of the highly acclaimed biography of Mikhail Gorbachev, “Gorbatschow – Der Weltveränderer” (updated and expanded, 2nd edition, 2024), which also examines NATO enlargement and the war in Ukraine. Johannes Gutenberg University honoured him as an alumnus who has done outstanding work. ","authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"title-centered","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"en/russias-history-myths-unmasked/nato-a-us-tool","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":null,"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-300x300.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-768x768.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-900x900.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"en"},"translations":[{"databaseId":214587},{"databaseId":194157}]},{"title":"“Russia is the centre of the ‘Russian World’ and has a right to its ‘historical lands’”","databaseId":196909,"excerpt":"How do Putin & Co. use the terms “Russian World” and “historical Russia”? The term Russkiy mir (Eng. Russian World) first began to crop up in the speeches of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev in the first decade of the 21st century. The concept had been developed earlier, although the Kremlin leaders first used it […]
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\n","date":"2022-08-24T08:00:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":34337}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Andrej Kurkow","authorDescription":"Andrej Kurkow, geboren 1961 in St. Petersburg, lebt seit seiner Kindheit in Kiew und schreibt in russischer Sprache. Er studierte Fremdsprachen, war Zeitungsredakteur und während des Militärdienstes Gefängniswärter. Danach schrieb er zahlreiche Drehbücher. Seit seinem Roman Picknick auf dem Eis gilt er als einer der wichtigsten zeitgenössischen ukrainischen Autoren. Sein Werk, für das er zahlreich ausgezeichnet wurde, erscheint in 42 Sprachen. Kurkow war von Dezember 2018 bis Januar 2025 Präsident des PEN Ukraine.","authorImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/Kurkow_Andrej_700061194_beschnitten.jpg"}},"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":1,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"kurkow-feiertag-im-rauch-des-krieges","translator":"Ruth Altenhofer","pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":"Unabhängigkeitsdenkmal „Fliegende Ukraine“ in Charkiw, März 2022, © Alina Smutko","beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":73207}]},{"title":"Быть другим – инакомыслие в СССР","databaseId":68773,"excerpt":"","date":"2022-07-06T14:21:37","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":295}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":250,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"https://dissident.dekoder.org/ru","translator":null,"pageType":["default"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":null,"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"ru"},"translations":[{"databaseId":49835}]},{"title":"FAQ #5: Welche Rolle spielt eigentlich Belarus im Ukraine-Krieg?","databaseId":69405,"excerpt":"Im Krieg gegen die Ukraine steht der belarussische Machthaber Alexander Lukaschenko an der Seite des russischen Präsidenten Putin. Doch bislang sind keine seiner Truppen beteiligt. Warum hilft er Putin? Was hat er zu gewinnen, was zu verlieren? Und was bedeutet das für seinen eigenen Machterhalt?
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\nWas kann eine neutrale Ukraine denn theoretisch überhaupt heißen? Und wäre das so eine einfache Lösung, wie es klingt?
Die Hoffnung lag von Beginn an auf der Diplomatie. Doch wie sind die Chancen auf einen möglichen Waffenstillstand? Kann nicht doch die UNO helfen? Warum ist es so schwierig, mit Putin an den Verhandlungstisch zu gehen?
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Wir lassen die Vielfalt und Höhepunkte der Protestkultur in diesem visuellen Rückblick Revue passieren.
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\n","content":"\nКастусь Калиновский
\nПоэт, публицист, революционер, Кастусь Калиновский — один из главных героев беларуского национального пантеона. Публично казненный через повешение в марте 1864 года, он стал символом борьбы за свободу против Российской империи. Почитание Калиновского как защитника угнетенных масс началось еще в первые советские годы. Коммунисты считали восстание под его руководством прежде всего интернационалистским, крестьянским и антикрепостническим. Наследуя в духовном отношении советской эпохе, режим Лукашенко тем не менее занялся ползучей дискредитацией личности Кастуся Калиновского, ведь чем дальше, тем более откровенно эта власть сближается с Кремлем и поддерживает его агрессивную внешнюю политику. В то же время чем сильнее героя ненавидят сторонники диктатора, тем больше его ценят беларусы, которые выступают против авторитарной власти в Минске. Тысячи из них томятся в тюрьмах, сотни тысяч вынуждены жить в изгнании.
\n\n\n\nПолномасштабное вторжение России в Украину, поддержанное минским властителем, усилило неприятие Калиновского среди сторонников диктатуры. Дело в названии вооруженного подразделения беларуских добровольцев, сражающихся на стороне Украины против российской агрессии, — Полк імя Кастуся Каліноўскага.
\n\n\n\nКем был Кастусь Калиновский? И почему память о нем стала таким острым политическим вопросом?
\nВосстание, которое в Польше называют «январским», а в Беларуси, в свою очередь, — национально-освободительным восстанием 1863–1864 годов под руководством Кастуся Калиновского, вызревало в течение многих десятилетий и стало одним из крупнейших вооруженных выступлений народов Литвы, Польши и Беларуси против Российской империи.Главной целью повстанцев было восстановление Речи Посполитой в границах 1772 года.
\n\n\n\nВо время восстания только на территории современных Беларуси и Литвы произошло 273 различных вооруженных столкновения с участием около 220 повстанческих отрядов. На беларуских землях одним из первых был создан отряд Романа Рогинского, который уже в феврале — начале марта 1863 года совершил 750-километровый рейд по Полесью. В апреле повстанцы при поддержке студентов Гори-Горецкого сельскохозяйственного института сумели на короткое время даже захватить уездный город Горки. Согласно российским источникам, общая численность повстанцев на территории Северо-Западного края (современная территория Беларуси и Литвы) достигала 68–77 тысяч человек, из них 5934 человека погибли. Потери убитыми с российской стороны составили 403 человека1.
\n\n\n\nВажной вехой на пути к восстанию стал выход газеты „Mużyckaja prauda“ — первого издания на современном беларуском языке, — которую Калиновский подпольно издавал на латинице вместе со своими соратниками в 1862–1863 годах. Семь вышедших номеров газеты были подписаны одним из псевдонимов Калиновского — «Яська-гаспадар з-пад Вільні». Газета была призвана поднять на восстание широкие массы беларуского крестьянства. И пусть в силу разных причин добиться масштабного подъема не удалось, „Мужицкую правду“ Калиновского с полным основанием можно назвать первым беларуским политическим манифестом.
\n\n\n\nНесмотря на большой энтузиазм и мужество многих участников восстания, силы были не равны. Уже в 1863 году повстанцы потерпели поражение в открытых боевых действиях и были вынуждены перейти к партизанским методам. Затем борьба превратилась, в основном, в гражданское неповиновение с нападениями на отдельных сторонников российских властей.
\n\n\n\nОдной из причин поражения было отсутствие единства среди вожаков восстания. Так, в вопросе о том, как достичь поставленной цели, повстанцы делились на два основных течения — «красных» и «белых». Первые представляли демократические слои населения — многочисленное безземельное дворянство, ремесленников, крестьян; вторые — средних и богатых землевладельцев, а также крупную буржуазию. Среди самих «красных», к которым принадлежал Кастусь Калиновский, единства тоже не было. Многие не разделяли идеи молодого революционера, выступавшего не только за восстановление самостоятельности земель бывшего Великого Княжества Литовского в составе Речи Посполитой, но и за передачу земли крестьянам.
\n\n\n\n![\"\"](\"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/09/k2_2-copy.jpg\")
На фоне этих разногласий варшавский центр восстания в марте 1863 года отменил полномочия так называемого Временного правительства Литвы и Беларуси во главе с Калиновским и передал руководство восстанием Литовскому комитету (то есть «белым»). В июне с усилением репрессий со стороны царских властей Кастусю Калиновскому удалось вернуть контроль над Литовским комитетом, в подчинении которого оставалось около 3 тысяч человек. Но время было потеряно: многие повстанцы уже попали за решетку, а на территорию Беларуси и Литвы было направлено более 120 тысяч царских солдат. В глубоком подполье Калиновский занялся подготовкой нового выступления, которое было намечено на весну 1864 года.
\n\n\n\nВ итоге за 1864 год восстание было окончательно подавлено русскими войсками. Поражение повстанцев, которые требовали независимости, более широкого участия в политической жизни и проведения аграрной реформы в пользу крестьянства, привело к усилению репрессивной политики российских властей. О последствиях восстания и реакции царизма продолжается дискуссия, в том числе среди независимых историков. Так, Олег Латышонок, профессор Белостокского университета беларуского происхождения, считает, что восстание обрекло национальное движение в Беларуси на катастрофу. По мнению историка, в результате восстания «погибли или были сосланы практически все беларуские поэты, писатели, была вырыта глубокая яма между католиками и православными»2. В то же время другие исследователи подчеркивают, что, несмотря на поражение, восстание вдохновляло будущие поколения поляков, литовцев и беларусов на борьбу за свободу и создание своих национальных государств. И сегодня как никогда современно звучит призыв Калиновского, опубликованный в «Мужицкой правде»: «Не народ для правительства, а правительство для народа».
\n\n\n\nОчевидно, что Калиновский не был беларусом в современном значении этого слова. В XIX веке, когда беларуская нация только начала оформляться, идентичность жителей той территории, которую занимает современная Беларусь, была множественной. Калиновского, как и многих других его современников, можно назвать одновременно этническим беларусом, историческим литвином и политическим поляком. После окончания юридического факультета Петербургского университета и получения ученой степени кандидата права Кастусь Калиновский мог бы сделать хорошую карьеру на государственной службе или в предпринимательской сфере, мог создать семью со своей замечательной невестой — «чернобровой Марыськой» (Марией Ямонт), которую любил и которой до самой казни посылал нежные письма. Но Калиновский выбрал борьбу за свои идеалы и до самого конца остался им верен. Даже в момент смертельной опасности уговоры друзей и невесты не смогли заставить его воспользоваться присланным из Петербурга паспортом на чужое имя и выехать за границу.
\n\n\n\nКалиновского считают национальным героем не только в Беларуси, но также в Литве и Польше, ведь он выступал за утверждение в воссозданной Речи Посполитой принципов социального равенства и справедливости. Заслуга Калиновского состоит и в том, что он отстаивал политическую автономию Литвы (так называли в то время территории, составлявшие некогда Великое княжество Литовское) в составе возрожденной федеративной Речи Посполитой. За этот «сепаратизм» его критиковали даже многие соратники. Идеи Калиновского, демократические и европейские по сути, нашли отражение в «Мужицкой правде» и в письмах из заключения3.
\n\n\n\nДуховным напутствием для беларусов стал пароль, который использовали повстанцы Калиновского и о котором стало известно из показаний предателя:
\n\n\n\n«— Кого любишь?
\n\n\n\n— Люблю Беларусь!
\n\n\n\n— Так взаимно!»
\n\n\n\nВ начале 1864 года Калиновский был арестован на конспиративной квартире в Вильно и 22 марта повешен по приговору царских властей в Вильнюсе4. По официальным сведениям царских властей, всего в крае было наказано 15 тысяч человек. Из них 123 (по данным некоторых исследователей, 128) были повешены или расстреляны, 12 355 сосланы под надзор полиции по месту жительства, 3776 человек высланы без следствия и суда. Многие направлялись на каторгу, в арестантские роты. Всего, согласно подсчетам российских историков, среди 38 тысяч сосланных вглубь России участников восстания выходцы из Литвы и Беларуси составили 57%5.
\n\n\n\nКогда в январе 2017 года на горе Гедимина, возвышающейся над центральной частью Вильнюса, после сильного оползня на поверхности открылись человеческие останки, это мгновенно стало сенсацией. Специалисты определили, что они принадлежат 20 казненным руководителям и участникам восстания 1863–1864 годов, в том числе Кастусю Калиновскому.
\n\n\n\nВ ноябре 2019 года на кладбище Расу в литовской столице со всеми воинскими почестями прошло торжественное перезахоронение, на котором присутствовало высшее руководство Литвы и Польши. Даже Беларусь прислала в Вильнюс своего высокопоставленного чиновника — вице-премьера Игоря Петришенко, который выступил во время поминальной службы в Кафедральном соборе на беларуском языке.
\n\n\n\nЗа катафалками в тот день следовали тысячи людей из разных стран. Как писали очевидцы, судя по количеству бело-красно-белых флагов, абсолютное большинство участников шествия приехало из Беларуси6. Стало совершенно очевидно, что многие беларусы чтят своего национального героя. Шествие в Вильнюсе было одним из наиболее значимых выступлений демократических сил Беларуси за последние десятилетия и напомнило похороны Василя Быкова в 2003 году в Минске, пусть даже и проходило за пределами страны. Если позволить себе метафору, то, придя из далекого прошлого, душа Калиновского вернулась на свою историческую родину.
\n\n\n\nСплоченность беларусов, то стремление к свободе и независимости, которые они продемонстрировали на траурной церемонии, в более широких масштабах проявились на мирных акциях протеста в 2020 году.
\n\n\n\nИсследователи считают, что первым источником, в котором Калиновский представлен как беларуский революционер и руководитель крестьянского восстания против помещиков, была газетная статья Вацлава Ластовского «Памяти Справедливого», опубликованная в феврале 1916 года. Следует признать, что известный беларуский просветитель нередко позволял себе вольные трактовки прошлого, его идеализацию и романтизацию. В частности, Вацлав Ластовский упростил имя Калиновского и назвал того Касцюком — производной формой от его второго имени, Константин. Впоследствии более широкое употребление приобрела другая беларуская форма этого имени — Кастусь7.
\n\n\n\nРомантизированный образ Калиновского пригодился для большевистской концепции, согласно которой главным содержанием исторического процесса была классовая борьба. Эта концепция поощряла героизацию боровшихся с царизмом деятелей национальных окраин Российской империи, пытаясь тем самым направить развитие национальной идентичности в коммунистическое русло. Нужно признать, что формирование беларуской идентичности в СССР пошло со значительно большей скоростью, чем в царской империи.
\n\n\n\nС подачи историков первой волны беларусизации в 1920-е имя руководителя восстания 1863–1864 годов прочно вошло в пантеон национальных героев БССР, «боровшихся против российского самодержавия и польских помещиков». О Калиновском начали писать научные статьи и книги, ему посвящали стихи и поэмы. В 1923 году Белорусский государственный театр в Минске поставил спектакль «Кастусь Калиновский» (автор и режиссер Евстигней Мирович). Пять лет спустя на экраны вышел художественный фильм «Кастусь Калиновский» (режиссер — Владимир Гардин). С саблей в руках кинематографический Калиновский сражается и против польских панов, и против представителей российского самодержавия, которые издеваются над беларускими крестьянами.
\n\n\n\nВ 1943 году в честь Кастуся Калиновского была названа советская партизанская бригада, которая действовала в окрестностях Гродно и Белостока. Впрочем, и в среде врагов советской власти также чтили имя Калиновского. В послевоенное время практика почитания Калиновского активно продолжалась. Его именем в 1963 году была названа улица в Минске. Улицы Калиновского появились в Гродно, Могилеве, Лиде и других беларуских городах. Деревню Лихосельцы в Свислочском районе, где прошло детство Калиновского, переименовали в Калиновскую.
\n\n\n\n![\"\"](\"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/09/k3_9-copy.jpg\")
После обретения Беларусью независимости в декабре 1991 года новые минские власти унаследовали советские подходы к исторической фигуре Калиновского как к вождю классовой борьбы за социальное равенство. В свою очередь, национально-демократические силы, представленные Беларуским народным фронтом во главе с Зеноном Позняком — харизматичным лидером оппозиции и кандидатом в президенты в 1994 году — стремились сделать Калиновского одним из главных, если не самым главным, национальным героем, боровшимся против российского влияния на Беларусь.
\n\n\n\nПосле избрания Лукашенко на высший государственный пост в независимой Беларуси активизировались пропагандисты так называемого западного русизма — российской имперской концепции, отрицающей самостоятельность беларуской нации. Установившийся в Беларуси авторитарный режим взял курс на тесную интеграцию с Россией и сокращение политических контактов с демократическими странами Запада. В этих условиях активное распространение в молодом государстве получили российские колониальные нарративы. Наиболее заметными их проводниками были историки Александр Гронский и Вадим Гигин, которые в 2000-е годы начали выступать с публикациями, направленными на очернение личности Калиновского и возвеличивание его палача — генерал-губернатора Северо-Западного края Михаила Муравьева (1796–1866), получившего за подавление восстания 1863–1864 годов на территории Литвы и Беларуси прозвище «Муравьев — вешатель». Эти авторы, а также их единомышленники пытались представить Калиновского как антигероя, «палача белорусского крестьянства», «католика и врага православных», «поляка», «борца за интересы Польши»8.
\n\n\n\nТем не менее представители беларуских властей, несмотря на громкую риторику некоторых своих пропагандистов, до протестов 2020 года воздерживались от публичных негативных высказываний о Калиновском и не препятствовали мероприятиям в его часть. В 2013 году, когда отмечались 150-летие восстания и 175-я годовщина со дня рождения Калиновского, «Белпочта» даже выпустила карточку с маркой, посвященную руководителю восстания, а в Национальной библиотеке прошла специальная выставка. Кроме того, на улице Калиновского в Минска была восстановлена памятная доска в честь героя.
\n\n\n\nС ростом зависимости от политики Кремля после подавления массовых народных протестов летом–осенью 2020 года беларуская диктатура вынуждена была активнее перенимать имперские исторические нарративы Кремля и доктрину так называемого «русского мира», которая отвергала многие советские исторические подходы, в том числе прославление борьбы представителей национальных окраин против царского самодержавия. Беларуские противники проевропейского вектора развития начали получать для пропаганды своих пророссийских взглядов трибуну и даже рабочие места в Москве.
\n\n\n\nСогласно неоимперской концепции, Калиновский был не революционером, а врагом России, выразителем интересов поляков, которые хотели возрождения своего независимого государства. В мае 2023 года главная государственная газета «СБ. Беларусь сегодня» опубликовала интервью с тогдашним главой администрации Лукашенко Игорем Сергеенко, по совместительству руководителем Республиканского совета по исторической политике. Высокопоставленный чиновник попытался дать официальную оценку знаковым фигурам беларуской истории. Он особо подчеркнул, что обнародованные подробности зверских расправ калиновцев над православным населением за его нежелание поддерживать польское восстание «отрезвили многих беларусов9.
\n\n\n\nЭто было сигналом к выдавливанию Калиновского из перечня национальных героев. Дальнейшие события не заставили себя ждать. Как только Вадима Гигина в ноябре 2023 года назначили руководителем Национальной библиотеки Беларуси, по его инициативе из школьной программы по беларуской литературе был исключен популярный исторический роман Владимира Короткевича «Колосья под серпом твоим», посвященный восстанию 1863–1864 годов. В начале декабря 2023 года в СМИ появилось сообщение, что переименована Свислочская гимназия, которая ранее носила имя Калиновского. Районные власти объяснили переименование именно тем, что якобы «личность Калиновского на сегодняшний день не является такой популярной»10.
\n\n\n\nВ стремлении опорочить имя Калиновского беларуские пропагандисты действовали в тесной связи со своими российскими коллегами. Из тех наибольшую активность проявлял глава московского фонда «Историческая память» Александр Дюков. В 2023 году он опубликовал «сенсационный» материал, в котором разместил найденные в архиве личные письма Калиновского своей невесте Марысе Ямонт, последнее из которых написано за три дня до казни (19 марта 1864 года). Эти письма, написанные на польском языке, ранее не были известны беларуским историкам, поэтому их публикацию можно даже назвать позитивным фактом. Но Дюков, основываясь на том, что переписка велась по-польски, пытался доказать, что Кастусь Калиновский был поляком и, более того, польским шовинистом. Между тем содержание ни одного из этих пяти писем, опубликованных Дюковым, ничем это не подтверждает. Дюков игнорирует то обстоятельство, что общение представителей образованных сословий Беларуси в середине XIX века на польском языке было обычным делом. Беларуский в то время еще не был унифицирован в литературной форме, он представлял собой несколько диалектов, на которых разговаривало сельское население и переселившиеся в город крестьяне.
\n\n\n\nВ рамках ползучего выдавливания имени Калиновского из беларуской истории идет переименование улиц и ликвидация памятников. В июле 2024 года информация о переименовании улицы, носившей имя Калиновского, пришла из города Кобрина. Такого рода новости показывают, что администрация Лукашенко, которая безусловно контролирует этот процесс, хочет представить дело так, что «борьба за историческую правду» идет по инициативе снизу, а не по ее приказу. Лукашенко опасается, что быстрые и решительные меры против памяти о Калиновском могут вызвать недовольство общества.
\n\n\n\nВедь Кастусь Калиновский, с его яростным сопротивлением имперской политике царской России, в условиях российской агрессии против Украины еще больше, чем когда бы то ни было, стал символом демократической Беларуси. До сих пор многие минчане помнят, как в 2006 году молодые люди использовали имя Калиновского во время протеста на Октябрьской площади. Они требовали переименовать площадь — безуспешно. Лагерь был разогнан властями с применением физической силы ночью 24 марта, но неофициальное название — площадь Калиновского — осталось у многих в памяти. Многие авторы, в том числе польские, характеризовали Калиновского как католического фанатика. Он действительно не скрывал своей ненависти к православию, писал, например, что православные «подобны собакам», и угрожал посмертными карами небесными, если они не перейдут в католичество в униатской форме11. Как и у каждого человека, у Калиновского хватало темных сторон, но для многих его сакральная роль в национальном возрождении так велика, что личность этого человека не предполагает критического отношения. Когда в 2023 году лидер демократической Беларуси Светлана Тихановская в речи к очередной годовщине восстания решила «смягчить» антироссийские цитаты Калиновского, это сразу же вызвало критику даже в рядах ее сторонников. Им пришлось не по душе намерение Тихановской продемонстрировать некоторую толерантность по отношению к России и с этой целью «скорректировать» Калиновского12. Вероятно, сама Тихановская не хотела исказить смысл призыва Калиновского, она лишь попыталась «осовременить» его высказывания и сделать их более соответствующими сегодняшнему дню13.
\n\n\n\nВосстание 1863–1864 годов можно назвать последним крупным историческим событием, в котором поляки, беларусы и литовцы выступили вместе против Российской империи как общего врага. Их цель была восстановить Речь Посполитую — государство, которое в 1795 году ушло в прошлое. В последующие десятилетия процессы формирования отдельных наций ускорились, отношения в регионе обострились. Национальные движения оказали значительное влияние на оценку восстания и роли в нем Калиновского. Ни среди польских историков, ни в широких кругах общества восстание на беларуских и литовских землях не вызывает такого интереса, как события на территории самой Польши. Личность самого Калиновского, боровшегося за восстановление Речи Посполитой, вызывает определенный интерес из-за его пассионарности. Но его взгляды интерпретируются, скорее, как пропольские, а не как пробеларуские. Определение Калиновского как беларуского революционера в Польше считается искажением истории для решения современных политических задач14.
\n\n\n\nВ современной Литве отношение к восстанию и к личности Калиновского также имеет свою специфику. Литовцы считают, что восстание, охватившее земли исторической Литвы, не решало их национальные задачи, а имело пропольскую направленность. С другой стороны, деятельность калиновцев происходила на территории Литвы и была направлена против российской оккупации, русификации, ограничения влияния католической церкви. Особенное значение для восстания имел Вильно (Вильнюс), который уже в тот период был центром Северо-Западного края (то есть, повторимся, территорий современных Беларуси и Литвы). Этот город стал местом ареста, следствия, казни и захоронения Калиновского вместе с его соратниками. Безусловно, отмеченные обстоятельства привлекают внимание как историков, так и широкой общественности Литвы.
\n\n\n\nРастет интерес к Кастусю Калиновскому и в сражающейся против российской агрессии Украине. Этот интерес только увеличивается благодаря Полку имени Калиновского, но связан также и с личностью самого Калиновского, отличавшегося ярко выраженными антироссийскими, антиимперскими взглядами. Его именем названы улицы в Киеве, Мукачеве, Одессе, Ровно. В Житомире улицу назвали в честь Полка имени Калиновского.
\n\n\n\nВ начале июля 2024 года в Чернигове еще на одной улице, которая накануне получила имя Кастуся Калиновского, была официально открыта и освящена мемориальная доска в честь национального героя Беларуси, Польши и Литвы. На мемориальной доске представлена краткая биография Кастуся Калиновского, а также его знаменитая цитата: «Бо я табе з-пад шыбеніцы кажу, Народзе, што тады толькі зажывеш шчасліва, калі над табой маскаля не будзе».
\n\n\n\nВо второй половине XVIII века произошло три раздела Польши, которая вместе с Литвой несколько веков была объединена в единое государство, в просторечии именовавшееся Речью Посполитой — это перевод на польский язык латинского выражения Res Publica, «общее дело». Территорию страны разделили между собой более мощные соседние державы: Россия, Пруссия и Австрия — изначально под формальным предлогом защиты православного и протестантского населения от преследований. По итогам первого (1772 год) и второго (1773 год) разделов Речь Посполитая продолжила существование, хотя и со значительными территориальными уступками; после третьего (1795 год) Польша и Литва прекратили существование до 1918 года.
\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/velikoe-knyazhestvo-litovskoe\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Великое княжество Литовское\",\"text\":\"Великое княжество Литовское – государство, существовавшее в Средние века и в начале Нового времени. С XIII века его площадь постоянно увеличивалась, и к XV веку она охватывала не только территорию современной Беларуси (полностью) и Литвы (почти всю), но также части Украины, России и Польши. Хотя страна была многоконфессиональным и полиэтническим государством, православие преобладало до 1356 года. В 1569 году было основано государство Речь Посполитая — после подписания Королевством Польским и Великим княжеством Литовским объединяющей их унии.
\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/litviny\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Литвины\",\"text\":\"Литвинами называли жителей Великого княжества Литовского в XV — XVIII веках. Впервые встречается в документах XIII — XIV веков. Кем изначально были литвины — жителями одной местности, народностью или людьми одного рода деятельности — ученые спорят до сих пор. Но со временем так стали называть жителей ВКЛ, рожденных в разных землях княжества, разного вероисповедания и происхождения. Есть примеры, когда люди называли себя одновременно литвинами и, например, русинами или белорусцами, а после объединения с Речью Посполитой — и поляками. Литвинами, к примеру, считали себя князь Витовт, а позже военный деятель Тадеуш Костюшко и поэт Адам Мицкевич — между тем этих людей разделяет около пяти веков.
\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/vasil-bykov\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Василь Быков\",\"text\":\"Василь Быков (1924–2003) — советский белорусский писатель. Во время Второй мировой войны служил в Красной армии, и всю жизнь писал в основном о войне. Работал он при этом не в советско-героическом ключе; он описывал моральные дилеммы солдат и борьбу за выживание мирного населения. Его рассказы, написанные на белорусском, были переведены на многие языки мира и несколько раз экранизировались. Во время перестройки Быков выступал за создание независимой и демократической Республики Беларусь. В 1997 году из-за репрессий был вынужден эмигрировать в Западную Европу.
\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/vaclav-lastovskiy\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Вацлав Ластовский\",\"text\":\"Вацлав Ластовский (1883–1938) — беларуский политик и писатель. В молодости вступил в Польскую социалистическую партию и был редактором различных общественно-политических газет. Был председателем Совета министров Беларуской народной республики в 1919–1923 годах и организатором антипольской партизанской борьбы за независимость Беларуси. После возвращения в Минск многократно арестовывался советскими спецслужбами и был расстрелян в 1938 году.
\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/belaruskiy-narodnyy-front\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Беларуский народный фронт\",\"text\":\"Беларуский народный фронт (белар. Беларускі народны фронт, ныне партия БНФ) — белорусская политическая партия либерально-консервативного направления. В БНФ было преобразовано движение «Возрождение» (бел. Адраджэнне), который, в свою очередь, наследовал традициям белорусского национального движения начала 1920-х годов. Расцвет БНФ пришелся на начало 1990-х годов, когда под руководством Зенона Позняка он требовал создания демократического государства, в котором доминировал бы белорусский язык и культура.
\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/zenon-poznyak-0\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Зенон Позняк\",\"text\":\"Зенон Позняк — одна из самых заметных беларуских политических фигур. Он вошел в историю страны в образе бескомпромиссного борца за независимую Беларусь и стал ее первым знаменитым политическим эмигрантом. Рассказ о жизни Зенона Позняка, его карьере и вынужденной эмиграции, забвении и новом витке популярности и политических перспективах — в материале дekoder’а.
\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/politika-zavisimosti-i-perspektivy-belaruskoy-gosudarstvennosti\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Политика зависимости и перспективы беларуской государственности\",\"text\":\"Усиление российского влияния в Беларуси — серьезная проблема и угроза государственности, какой бы риторикой оно ни прикрывалось, отмечает политолог Андрей Казакевич. А сейчас курс на зависимость от России получил новый импульс.
\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/greko-katolicheskaya-cerkov-v-belarusi\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Греко-католическая церковь в Беларуси\",\"text\":\"Брестская уния 1596 года положила начало греко-католической церкви в Восточной Европе. Впоследствии на ее основе возникли Беларуская греко-католическая церковь (БГКЦ) и Украинская греко-католическая церковь (УГКЦ). Основание греко-католической церкви стало важной вехой для многих частей региона: так называемая «униатская» церковь являла собой союз между православием и католичеством. По сей день эта церковь отличается тем, что следует византийской обрядовой традиции и в то же время подчиняется римскому папе.
\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/svetlana-tihanovskaya\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Светлана Тихановская\",\"text\":\"Светлана Тихановская (род. в 1982, белар. Святлана Ціханоўская) — беларуский общественный и политический деятель, кандидат в президенты в 2020 году. По официальным данным, на выборах 9 августа Тихановская набрала 10,12% голосов избирателей. По мнению ряда аналитиков, результаты были сфальсифицированы, Тихановская набрала значительно больше. После оглашения результатов в Беларуси начались акции протеста. 11 августа из-за угроз Тихановская вынужденно уехала в Литву. Там продолжила политическую деятельность, признана лидером демократических сил Беларуси.
\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/otnosheniya-belarusi-i-polshi-vosstanovleniyu-ne-podlezhat\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Отношения Беларуси и Польши: восстановлению не подлежат?\",\"text\":\"Лишь в короткий период после распада Советского Союза отношения между Беларусью и Польшей были по-настоящему открытыми и конструктивными. С приходом к власти Александра Лукашенко и с постепенным возвращением Беларуси к авторитаризму отношения двух стран ухудшились, и с тех пор их постоянно подтачивают репрессии государства против польского меньшинства в Беларуси. После насильственного подавления протестов в 2020 году десятки тысяч беларусов бежали в Польшу. Руководство Беларуси сыграло свою роль в российской военной агрессии против Украины. Все это привело к практически полному разрыву польско-беларуских отношений, пишет польский политолог Камиль Клысински.
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