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Ende 2021 veröffentlichte Moskau seinen Entwurf für einen Vertrag über sogenannte „Sicherheitsgarantien“. Er gilt bis heute als „Maximal-Programm“ der russischen Außenpolitik gegenüber NATO und Westen. Dekoder-Redakteur Dmitry Kartsev entschlüsselt, welche Geschichtserzählung dahinterstecken.

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How did Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea unfold? On 27 February 2014, Russian special forces, who were armed and wore no identifying insignia, occupied the parliamentary building in the capital city of Simferopol. The legitimate prime minister of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Anatolii Mohyliov, was removed from office and replaced by Sergey Aksyonov a […]

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Where is the basis for relations between Russia and NATO defined?  “Mutual relations, cooperation and security between NATO and the Russian Federation” are the subject-matter of the NATO–Russia Founding Act, which was signed in Paris on 27 May 1997 by the heads of states and governments of the NATO member countries, NATO Secretary General Javier Solana and Russian President Boris Yeltsin. It […]

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How do Putin & Co. use the terms “Russian World” and “historical Russia”?  The term Russkiy mir (Eng. Russian World) first began to crop up in the speeches of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev in the first decade of the 21st century. The concept had been developed earlier, although the Kremlin leaders first used it […]

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Mit dem Mythos, die Krym sei schon immer russisch gewesen, will Putins Russland seine Annexion der ukrainischen Halbinsel 2014 rechtfertigen. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo umreißt die historischen Entwicklungen, die Russlands Krym-Erzählung verschweigt.

\n","date":"2026-01-09T10:17:04","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":97629}]},"tags":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":101579},{"databaseId":98331},{"databaseId":98291},{"databaseId":101563},{"databaseId":101571},{"databaseId":98299},{"databaseId":98307},{"databaseId":98315}]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Ignaz Lozo"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Ignaz Lozo","authorDescription":"Dr. Ignaz Lozo, promovierter Osteuropahistoriker, war TV-Korrespondent in Moskau. 2024 erschien sein hochgelobtes Buch Gorbatschow – Der Weltveränderer, in welchem er auch die NATO-Osterweiterung und den Ukraine-Krieg beleuchtet. Von der Universität Mainz wurde er ausgezeichnet als Absolvent, der Herausragendes geleistet hat.","authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"title-centered","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"de/russland-propaganda-geschichte-narrative-dekodiert/krym","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-300x164.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-768x419.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-900x491.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-300x164.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-768x419.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-900x491.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":204603}]},{"title":"„Russland ist Zentrum der ‚russischen Welt‘ und hat ein Recht auf ‚historische Länder‘“","databaseId":194829,"excerpt":"

Das Konzept istoritscheskaja Rossija (dt: historisches Russland) ist im Westen wenig bekannt, gleichwohl hat es eine lange Begriffsgeschichte und wird von Putin und der Kremlpropaganda seit Jahren immer häufiger benutzt.

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Moscow describes “Ancient Rus” as the cradle of the “Russian people”, the origin of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation of the present day. In doing so, it is using well over a millennium’s worth of history to construct a narrative aimed at justifying the use of hybrid measures to influence other states and even a destructive war against neighbouring states. Historian Andrey Doronin takes a deep dive into the historical underpinnings of this Russian myth and explains how the understandings of the non-Russian Rus differ from the myth that Moscow tells.

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Russlands Mythos von der bedrohlichen NATO verschweigt, dass der Kreml selbst über Jahrzehnte an einer Annäherung zur NATO gearbeitet hat, zeitweise gar Mitglied werden wollte. So entstand 1997 die NATO-Russland-Grundakte, die offiziell bis heute gilt. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo skizziert ihre Entstehung und Bedeutung.

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Andrei Arkhangelsky:  I thought we could start with personal thought patterns, the kind we are not even aware of or only become aware of as we grow older. The ones that demand that we do some hard work on ourselves.   We were both born in what was still the Soviet era – in its complacent years under Brezhnev (also known as the era of stagnation). This was in the late 1960s, early 1970s. What were those first ideas I had about my country and the […]

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Moskau beschreibt die Alte Rus als Wiege eines „russischen Volkes“, zu dem angeblich Russen, Belarussen und Ukrainer gehören. Damit nutzt es die jahrtausendealte Geschichte, die sich geografisch deutlich weiter westlich abspielte, und konstruiert ein Narrativ, das hybride Einflussnahme und sogar einen zerstörerischen Krieg gegen Nachbarstaaten rechtfertigen soll. Der Historiker Andrej Doronin geht dem russischen Mythos vom „einigen Volk“ auf den tiefen geschichtlichen Grund und erläutert, wie sich die Verständnisse der nicht-russländischen rus vom Moskauer Mythos unterscheiden.

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Вплоть до полномасштабной войны в Украине растущую зависимость от российского газа в Германии часто оправдывали тем, что Москва всегда была надежным поставщиком топлива по низким ценам. Игнорируя то, что подоплека действий Кремля из экономической давно стала политической. Когда это произошло и к каким привело последствиям?

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Dieser Beitrag ist ein Teil unseres Projekts „Russlands Geschichtsmythen entlarvt“. Mehr Narrative dekodieren Andrej Archangelski: Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen.  Wir sind beide noch in der Sowjetzeit geboren – […]

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Глава 1. Красный газ У каждой истории есть отправной пункт. У нашей он расположен там, где, кажется, ничего не напоминает о газе или международной торговле энергоносителями — в Лайцхалле. Это главный концертный зал Гамбурга — «вольного и ганзейского города», как он именуется официально. 6 июня 1967 года туда стекаются сотни людей. Парковка перед зданием — […]

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Bis zum Beginn des vollumfänglichen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, wurde die wachsende Abhängigkeit von russischem Gas in Deutschland häufig damit gerechtfertigt, Moskau habe doch stets zuverlässig geliefert. Ein Blick auf die Details zeigt ein anderes Bild.

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Eine Reise in die Zeit, als mehrere tausend Kilometer lange Pipelines gebaut wurden – und man noch glaubte, mit Gashandel Völker verbinden und diplomatische Spannungen überbrücken zu können.

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hallo ABC

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Konzept, Design und Umsetzung: Alexandra HeidsiekRedaktion: Anton Himmelspach

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Большинство расхожих объяснений происхождения словосочетания «Белая Русь» не имеет под собой научной основы. Откуда оно взялось на самом деле и как стало именем государства, рассказывает беларуский историк Виктор Шадурский.

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Geboren in Charkiw, aufgewachsen in Horliwka im Donbas. Als Kind schrieb Julja Danylowa Artikel für die Kinderzeitung Skrepka (dt. Büroklammer). 2014 musste sie mit 18 Jahren vor der russischen Invasion ihre Heimatregion verlassen. Sie zog nach Charkiw und machte dort 2018 ihren Abschluss an der Kulturakademie Charkiw.  Seitdem arbeitet sie hauptsächlich mit Drucken, Comics und […]

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Geboren 1975 im Ural, lebt seit 2010 in Charkiw (Ukraine).   Oleg Michajlow ist Autor und Dramaturg – ausgebildeter Schauspieler, arbeitete als Radiomoderator, schreibt seit 2005 Theaterstücke und ist bei Theaterfestivals in Kyjiw, Charkiw und Kramatorsk vertreten.  Seine Stücke werden in der Ukraine beispielsweise am Kyjiwer Akademischen Theater Soloti Worota (dt. Goldenes Tor), dem Charkiwer Staatlichen […]

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I Der Riese kam immer nachts. Wenn die Wintersonne unwillig aus dem kühlen Meer kroch und die Stadt erhellte, mussten ihre Einwohner feststellen, dass der Riese auch in dieser Nacht mehrere Häuser zerstört hatte. Die Einwohner liebten ihre Stadt sehr, darum war es kein Wunder, dass sie bitterlich weinten, wenn sie jeden Morgen wieder neue […]

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„Ein neues Märchen. Ich schreibe immer düsterer, also … ein Märchen über die Angst.“   Mit diesen Worten veröffentlichte der Charkiwer Dramaturg und Kinderbuchautor Oleg Michajlow im Dezember 2023 die Geschichte von dem Jungen Petja, der sich mit einem Plüsch-Hahn, einer Rennmaus und einem Hauskater anschickt, den bösen Riesen zu erlegen, der seine Familie und sein […]

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Ein Kapitel des deutschen Vernichtungsfeldzugs gegen die Sowjetunion, das oft übersehen wird, ist die Politik der „verbrannten Dörfer“ in Belarus. Die NS-Besatzer zerstörten im ganzen Land über 9.000 Dörfer – viele davon wurden für immer ausgelöscht.

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Die Slawistin Nina Weller über die Entstehung und Rezeption des Buches Feuerdörfer, das Literatur und Erinnerungskultur gleichermaßen veränderte.

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Das Buch Feuerdörfer von Ales Adamowitsch, Janka Bryl und Uladsimir Kalesnik ist über Generationen hinweg zu einem der prägendsten Werke der belarussischen Literatur geworden. Wir haben zeitgenössische Autorinnen, Schriftsteller und Lyrikerinnen aus Belarus gefragt, welche Bedeutung das Buch für sie hat.  

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Der Übersetzer Thomas Weiler hat das Buch Feuerdörfer, 50 Jahre nach der Erstveröffentlichung, erstmals aus dem Belarussischen ins Deutsche übertragen. Wir präsentieren einen Auszug aus seiner Übersetzung.

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Nach 50 Jahren erscheint Feuerdörfer erstmals auf Deutsch. Das Buch über die Wehrmachtsverbrechen in Belarus erschütterte die sowjetische Gesellschaft – ein Special, unter anderem mit der Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexijewitsch.

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Ein dekoder-Gesopräch mit der belarussischen Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexjiewitsch über das Buch Feuerdörfer, ihren Mentor Ales Adamowitsch und über das menschliche Leiden in der Literatur.

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Имя Кастуся Калиновского носит беларуский добровольческий полк, который сейчас воюет с российскими оккупантами в Украине. Им же была названа одна из советских партизанских бригад, сражавшихся против немецких захватчиков в годы Второй мировой войны. Кем был этот человек, ставший одним из главных героев беларуского исторического пантеона благодаря руководству восстанием 1863–1864 годов против Российской империи?

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Krieg gegen die Ukraine, Corona-Pandemie, internationaler Haftbefehl: Unsere Daten zeigen, wie sich die Auslandsreisen des russischen Präsidenten zwischen 2000 und 2024 verändert haben.

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Kastus Kalinouski war Anführer des Januaraufstands gegen das Zarenreich. Deswegen wird er als Kämpfer für die belarussische Unabhängigkeit verehrt, die Machthaber um Lukaschenko wollen ihn dagegen aus der Geschichte streichen. Viktor Schadurski über eine komplexe Figur im Zerrbild von Ideologie und Propaganda.

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Рассказываем, что обсуждали немецкие журналисты и эксперты перед началом чемпионата Европы по футболу — и к каким выводам пришли по его итогам.

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Seit zwei Jahren reist der Fotograf Ludwig Nikulski immer wieder an die Grenzen der Ukraine. Mit seiner Kamera beobachtet er, wie der Krieg das Grenzland verändert, das diesen Krieg vom Rest Europas trennt.

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84 года назад завершилась советско-финляндская война. Поначалу полномасштабную агрессию России против Украины часто сравнивали именно с ней. Но эта война закончилась всего за три с лишним месяца.

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Почему протесты редко заканчиваются свержением авторитарного режима

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История украденной революции в Казахстане

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In Europa verkannt, in Belarus teilweise verboten: In unserem Special könnt ihr Kurzprosa und Geschichten von Autoren und Schriftstellerinnen klassischer und zeitgenössischer belarussischer Literatur entdecken – mit Illustrationen von Katsiaryna Dubovik.

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Mit der Kurzgeschichte Zuhause debütierte Michas Stralzou im Jahr 1957. In dieser setzt sich der belarussisch-sowjetische Schriftsteller mit den Auswirkungen der Landflucht auseinander, die nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in der Belarussischen Sowjetrepublik einsetzte.

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Ein Auszug aus dem autobiografischen Roman Auf die schneebedeckte Insel von Anka Upala, in dem die Schriftstellerin von ihrem Aufenthalt in einer schwedischen Kleinstadt erzählt, wo sich das Leben sich in vielem von ihrem in Belarus unterscheidet.

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Die Erzählung Die Feldlerche von Zjotka stammt aus dem Jahr 1914. Sie ist von der Idee geprägt, dass man sie an einem kalten Winterabend mit der ganzen Familie lesen kann, und dabei nicht nur Belarus, sondern auch Natur und Dorfleben besser kennenlernt.

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Krieg, Repressionen, Flucht und Exil: Rückblick auf ein düsteres Jahr 2023 in Bildern und Texten aus Russland, Belarus und der Ukraine

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1. The illusion of truth In the early hours of 24 February 2022, Russian troops began a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, crossing the border and then heading at speed in the direction of Kyiv and Kharkiv, through Donbas and southern Ukraine towards Crimea, all the while launching missile strikes at targets across the country. News […]

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Viele Russinnen und Russen unterstützen den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Propaganda spielt dabei eine Schlüsselrolle. Wir haben mehr als drei Millionen Artikel der wichtigsten propagandistischen Nachrichtenagentur Russlands analysiert und daraus die Muster herausgelesen, nach denen Propaganda funktioniert.

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Как пропаганда заставила миллионы россиян поверить в то, что война — самый верный путь к миру. Дата-исследование «Новой газеты Европа» и декодера.

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В сети пропаганды В 1999 году BBC выпустила на восьми тогда еще VHS-кассетах проект на русском языке о том, как делать телевидение. В последней части Владимир Познер разговаривает с известными в то время тележурналистами о профессиональной этике – что нужно, а что нельзя рассказывать людям? Можно ли с благими намерениями скрывать значимую информацию? Обязательно ли […]

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Что россияне думаю о войне против Украины? Многое говорит о том, что россияне в большинстве своем не хотели этой войны. Тем не менее, опросы и социологические эксперименты показывают, что после начала вторжения как минимум половина населения поддерживает как Путина, так и действия российской армии. По опросам Левады-Центра начиная с февраля 2022 – от 68 до […]

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Wie funktioniert russische Propaganda? Welche Narrative werden verbreitet? Und wie schafft man damit hohe Zustimmungswerte für Putin und den Krieg gegen die Ukraine? Ergebnisse einer Daten-Recherche von dekoder, Novaya Gazeta Europe und Süddeutscher Zeitung.

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У сваім эсэ беларускі пісьменнік Адам Свіргул тлумачыць, наколькі адкрыцці Курапатаў сфармавалі яго пакаленне і чаму ён лічыць памяць аб злачынствах сталінскага тэрору ключом да будучыні Беларусі.

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In seinem Essay erzählt der belarussische Autor Adam Swirgul, wie sehr die Entdeckungen von Kurapaty seine Generation prägten und warum er das Gedenken an die dortigen Verbrechen des Stalinschen Terrors für einen Schlüssel zur Zukunft von Belarus hält.

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Was wissen wir zu den Verbrechen, die in Kurapaty begangen wurden, und was nicht? Der Historiker Igor Kusnetzow über den schwierigen Weg der historischen Wahrheitsfindung zu einem der zentralen Orte des Stalinschen Terrors in Belarus.

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Dieser Artikel zu den Massengräbern in Kurapaty aus dem Jahr 1988 veränderte die belarussische Geschichte und Gesellschaft. Wir bringen den Artikel in einer vollständigen Neuübersetzung von Tina Wünschmann aus dem Belarussischen.

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Kurapaty ist ein Wendepunkt in der jüngeren belarussischen Geschichte. Als die Entdeckung von Massengräbern am nordwestlichen Rand der belarussischen Hauptstadt Minsk im Jahr 1988 bekannt wurde, ging ein Aufschrei durch die Gesellschaft. Wie konnte es passieren, dass Zehntausende Belarussen unter Stalin ermordet wurden? Warum wurde so lange über das Thema geschwiegen?

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Kapitel 1. Das rote Gas Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat. Duis aute irure dolor in reprehenderit in voluptate velit esse cillum dolore eu fugiat […]

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Was muss passieren, damit Russland nicht noch einmal die Chance auf eine demokratische Entwicklung verspielt? Aus dem Gefängnis heraus hat Alexej Nawalny eine Debatte darüber angestoßen, welche Lehren aus den Fehlern der 1990er Jahre gezogen werden müssen. dekoder stellt die interessantesten Beiträge vor.

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Das totalitäre Erbe kann nur überwunden werden, wenn die Schuldigen benannt und zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden, schreibt Wladimir Kara-Mursa.

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Alexej Nawalny warnt davor, noch einmal demokratische Prinzipien zugunsten pragmatischer Lösungen aufzugeben.

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Es ist zu leicht, alle Schuld auf Putin und seine Beamten abzuwälzen: Auch die russische Gesellschaft muss sich unbequeme Fragen stellen, meint Maxim Trudoljubow auf Meduza.

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О проекте «Мы хотим быть свободными людьми», — под этим лозунгом 17 июня 1953 года больше миллиона жителей ГДР вышло на улицы в первом из серии выступлений против коммунистической диктатуры в Восточной Европе. Потребовалось больше трех десятилетий, чтобы после кровавого подавления восстания немцы и вместе с ними все восточные европейцы добились свободы. С этого момента […]

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Как Майдан подготовил украинское общество к борьбе против российской агрессии

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Ад пачатку агрэсіўнай фазы вайны Расіі ва Украіне, у якой Беларусь адыгрывае сваю катастрафічную ролю, пісьменьнік і паэт Альгерд Бахарэвіч апынуўся ва ўладзе балючага ўнутранага канфлікту.

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Sie gilt als eine der meistgelesenen Online-Ressourcen in Russland: die Nachrichtenagentur RIA Nowosti. Wir haben mehr als drei Millionen ihrer Artikel analysiert. Worüber das Medium in den vergangenen 21 Jahren wie oft berichtet, zeigt unser Tool.

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Wie die Protestgeschichte der Ukraine zum Widerstand gegen den russischen Angriffskrieg beiträgt

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Mit dem Ende der Diktaturen in Osteuropa glaubten viele, das demokratische Zeitalter breche an. Die Autokratien wurden jedoch zahlreicher und repressiver, heute kämpfen Millionen für ihre Freiheit. Manche gewinnen, die anderen scheitern. Können Freiheitsbewegungen voneinander lernen?

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Als Belarus mit dem Ende der Sowjetunion im Jahr 1991 die Unabhängigkeit erlangte, forcierte sich auch die Suche nach einer nationalen Identität und einer eigenen Geschichtsschreibung. Abseits sowjetischer Narrative und Doktrine. In dieser Zeit des Aufbruchs wurde das Großfürstentum Litauen sozusagen einer der Dreh- und Angelpunkte dieser Suche. In seinem Beitrag beschreibt der belarussische Philosoph Ihar Babkou die Rolle des Großfürstentums für die damaligen Hoffnungen und Sehnsüchte der Belarussen.

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Die Schlacht bei Orscha im Jahr 1514 ist eines der bedeutenden Ereignisse für das Großfürstentum Litauen. Ein Ereignis, das bis heute Fragen aufwirft und auch prägend für die nationale Identität der Belarussen ist. Hienadź Sahanovič, als Historiker einer der Experten für diese kriegerische Auseinandersetzung, erklärt die Hintergründe der Schlacht, ihre politischen Folgen und ihre Bedeutung für die Gegenwart.

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Polen und Belarus teilen eine über Jahrhunderte verbundene Geschichte. Vor allem durch die gemeinsame Zugehörigkeit zum Großfürstentum Litauen und zur polnisch-litauischen Adelsrepublik. Es ist eine Geschichte, die nicht immer unproblematisch war und sich seit 1991 mitunter auf die Beziehungen zwischen beiden Ländern auswirkt. Diese beleuchtet der polnische Politologe Kamil Kłysiński in seinem Beitrag.

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Die Litauer waren eine der ersten Nationen, die sich mit den belarussischen Protesten im Jahr 2020 solidarisierten. Als tausende Belarussen im Zuge der Repressionen aus ihrem Land flüchten mussten, nahm Litauen diese Flüchtlinge aus dem Nachbarland bereitwillig auf. Die gemeinsame Geschichte, die das baltische Land mit Belarus teilt, geht vor allem auf die Zeit des Großfürstentums zurück. Der Historiker und Politologe Andrzej Pukszto erörtert in seinem Beitrag die Herausforderungen dieser Vergangenheit für die litauisch-belarussischen Beziehungen.

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Ruthenisch? Schon mal gehört? Nein? Kein Problem. Michael Moser, Sprachwissenschaftler an der Universität Wien, erklärt die Ursprünge und Mysterien einer Sprache, die als Kanzleisprache des Großfürstentum Litauens zu Ruhm gelangte und die nicht selten zu einer Art „Alt-Belarusisch” vereinfacht wird.

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Das Großfürstentum Litauen war einer der größten Staaten der Erde. Er erstreckte sich von der Ostsee bis zum Schwarzen Meer. Die multikulturelle und in vielfacher Hinsicht grenzüberwindende Faszination dieses Herrschaftsgebietes hat auch die polnische Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Olga Tokarczuk zu ihrem opus magnum „Die Jakobsbücher“ inspiriert. 

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Как церковь, пострадавшая от советского авторитаризма, стала провозвестницей российского

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Как гуманитарные науки помогли путинской пропаганде

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Кто стоял у истоков российского антиамериканизма

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Почему чекисты пережили демократизацию без особых для себя потерь

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Что помешало России стать настоящей федерацией — и к чему это привело

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Как в девяностые сложились все условия для авторитарного поворота

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О проекте 24 февраля 2022 года для многих стало днем, когда «история вернулась»: решения политиков и военных вновь определяют судьбы стран и народов на десятилетия вперед, а сама путинская агрессия против Украины служит страшным напоминанием о завоевательных войнах XIX и XX веков. «Конец истории» был провозглашен американским философом Фрэнсисом Фукуямой в начале 1990-х, когда он […]

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Wie eine Kirche, die unter dem sowjetischen Autoritarismus gelitten hatte, zum Vorboten der russischen Autokratie wurde

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Warum niemand Erbe des „wilden Jahrzehnts“ sein will

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Wie die „Amerikanisierung Russlands“ in Antiamerikanismus umschlug

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Wie Russland in den 1990er Jahren Grundlagen für die autoritäre Wende schuf

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Warum der Föderalismus zum unvollendeten Projekt wurde und Sollbruchstellen in Putins Machtvertikale systemisch sind

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Wie die Tschekisten die Demokratisierung überstanden

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Die russische Aggression gegen die Ukraine ist auch eine Folge der autoritären Wende Russlands unter Putin. Wie hat er aber seine sogenannte Machtvertikale überhaupt aufbauen können? War es wirklich ein Bruch mit den 1990er Jahren, die heute vielerorts als eine „Zeit der Freiheit“ gelten? dekoder hat sechs Wissenschaftler gebeten, Essays über dieses Jahrzehnt zu verfassen: über das „Ende der Geschichte“, und deren Anfang.

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Seit gut einem Jahr führt Russland Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Das bedeutet auch den (zum Teil unwiederbringlichen) Verlust kultureller Güter. Museen wurden in Mitleidenschaft gezogen, Bibliotheken zerstört, ukrainische Kunstschätze geraubt und nach Russland gebracht. Warum auch Kulturgüter zu den Zielen der russischen Angriffe gehören und wie schwer die Schäden wiegen, das beleuchtet das aktuelle FAQ #10.

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Das ultimative Belarus-Quiz: Seit 2020 entschlüsselt dekoder auch Belarus. Es wird Zeit, Dein erworbenes Wissen zu testen.

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„Es ist alles nicht so eindeutig“ – das ist eine der häufigsten Phrasen in Russland, wenn es um den russischen Angriffskrieg in der Ukraine geht. Vier Wissenschaftlerinnen beschreiben Propaganda-Narrative und die Manipulation von Fakten in russischen Medien und erklären, warum dem so viele Glauben schenken.

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Es sollte eine rasche Militäroperation werden. Daraus wurde jedoch ein großflächiger, verlustreicher Abnutzungskrieg: Historiker Michael Jonas über den finnisch-sowjetischen Winterkrieg 1939/40.

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Die Kriegsfront hat sich auch in die Welt der Zeichen und Symbole verlagert – in Russland wie in der Ukraine. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger stellen Symbole, Zeichen und Begriffe der ukrainischen Subversion und Gegenwehr vor.

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Рут Альтенхофер изучает собственные переводы интервью для dekoder, обнажая свои приемы и цели: «Создать у читателей и читательниц dekoder, даже не понимающих по-русски, ощущение, что они присутствуют при разговоре»

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Что такое перевод журналистики? Где им занимаются? В большинстве СМИ переводят лишь изредка, отдельные материалы — а для dekoder это несущая идея, его насущный хлеб. И как же это устроено в реальности? И что об этом думают переводчики и переводчицы, редакторки и редакторы?

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Политкорректность не стала нормой в русском языке. Что же делать, если при переводе текста приходится об этом задумываться? Сделать вид, что проблемы нет? И тем самым, в сущности, отказать в переводе автору или его героям? Нет, это не выход, говорит Мария Райер, которая выступает за прозрачность и право голоса для всех.

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Какие сложности мы преодолеваем, переводя журналистские тексты? Какие из них связаны с конкретным текстом, а какие встречаются постоянно, меняя только образ/текст/текстуру? Хенриетте Рейснер предложила несколько тезисов, которые мы обсудили в нашей мастерской Neustart.

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Как задумывался этот спецпроект и что за ним стоит.

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между культурой, политикой и эстетикой

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Александра Берлина о звездочках, фигах в кармане и других формах протеста, а также о сложном вопросе: как переводить антивоенную символику?

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На что способны эссе? Как они устроены? На что нужно обращать внимание, чтобы они не проигрывали в переводе? Анья Шлоссбергер-Оберхаммер о переводе журналисткого жанра, столько важного для неспокойных времен именно тем, что он никого не пытается переубедить.

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Журналистские тексты меняются со временем и в зависимости от того, где, как и в каком контексте они публикуются. Репортажи «Новой газеты» здесь не исключение. Как эти изменения проявляются в переводе? Ирина Бондас отправляется в путешествие между текстами, временами и языками.

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How the special took shape and what lies behind it

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What does journalistic translation involve and where does it happen? Whereas most media outlets only occasionally have a piece translated, translation is fundamental to the entire concept of dekoder. How does something like that work? And what does it mean for translators and editors?

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The Russian language is not, in the narrower meaning of the term, politically correct. What does a translator do when faced with such aspects in a text? Pretend they aren’t there? And perhaps, by doing so, do an injustice to the authors and protagonists? That is certainly not the answer, says Maria Rajer, who calls for transparency and self-empowerment in translation work.

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What can essays do? How do they do it? And what has to be kept in mind when they are being translated to ensure that they will still be able to do it in the other language? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer on the translation of a journalistic form whose importance in times of turmoil lies in the fact that it does not seek to convince its readers of something.

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Ruth Altenhofer observed herself translating interviews for dekoder in order to figure out just what it is she is doing when she translates. And she concluded: “I make sure that dekoder readers who cannot understand Russian feel like they are sitting right there at the table during the conversation.” Here, she tells us how.

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The close-reading of a translation is not often done with journalistic translations. Together with her students, Anna Shibarova did just that – and her metatext opens up new layers of a text and its translation.

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It is thanks to translators that there are texts in languages and cultures that they did not originate in. So it is annoying when people behave as though translators don’t exist, as sometimes happens. But where can and should translators be visible? Larissa Schippel addresses the question from a translation theory perspective.

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If a translator looks over his own shoulder as he translates, what does he see? What does he ask himself? And with whom does he argue? Hartmut Schröder adopted a venerable cultural technique while working on a translation: journal-keeping. And then he let us have it.

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A cat meme goes viral on the Russian-language Internet. On Facebook, university lecturer Irina Znamenskaya asked – how can the language-based joke be translated? Sasha Kharitonski responded in a post which Zachary King translated into English. Alexandra Berlina’s addendum seeks to answer the question: What are memes, actually?

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Journalistic texts change over time and with the setting, manner and context in which they appear. Novaya Gazeta’s reportage is an example. How is this manifest during translation? Irina Bondas sets out on a path through texts, times and languages.

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What challenges do we encounter when translating journalistic texts – which of these are text-specific, and which crop up repeatedly, just in different garb. Henriette Reisner on topics discussed in our Neustart workshop.

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Alexandra Berlina on asterisks, figs in the pocket and other forms of protest, as well as the difficult question of how to translate signals and anti-war symbolism.

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Die 1990er Jahre waren revolutionär für die belarussische Musik: Eine Zeit der mutigen Experimente und die Geburtsstunde eines echten, gesunden belarussischen Showbusiness. Eine Hommage von Nasha Niva.

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Rebellion durch Sprache: In der Kultur der Rock- und Alternativmusik nimmt das Belarussische seit den 1980er Jahren eine bedeutende Stellung ein. Wir haben einige belarussische Kulturpersönlichkeiten befragt, wie sie zum Belarussischen gekommen sind und warum sie die Sprache für ihre Musik oder ihre Arbeit zu verwenden begannen.

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Aus dem digitalen Fotoarchiv der Musik-Zeitung, das mit dem Aufkommen erschwinglicher Digitalkameras um das Jahr 2000 seinen Anfang nahm, zeigen wir eine Auswahl an Fotos aus jener Zeit, in der die belarussische Rockmusik tonangebend und stilprägend war.

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Zs und Vs auf Autos, Panzern und öffentlichen Plätzen – der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine wird auch auf Ebene der Codes, Symbole und Zeichen geführt. Doch derer bedient sich nicht nur die russische Propaganda, sondern auch die Protestbewegung in Russland. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger mit einer Momentaufnahme dieser coded language und ausgewählten Beispielen – in Wort und Bild.

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Der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine ist auch ein Krieg der Symbole. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger zeigen ausgewählte Beispiele – in Wort und Bild.

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Journalistische Texte verändern sich über die Zeit und in Abhängigkeit davon, wo und wie und in welchem Kontext sie erscheinen. Die Reportagen der Novaya Gazeta sind ein Beispiel dafür Wie macht sich das beim Übersetzen bemerkbar? Irina Bondas begibt sich auf den Weg zwischen Texte, Zeiten und Sprachen.

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Was heißt journalistisches Übersetzen und wo findet es statt? Während in den meisten Medien oft nur einzelne Beiträge übersetzt werden, ist das Übersetzen bei dekoder ein tragender Teil des Konzepts. Wie funktioniert so etwas? Und was bedeutet das für Übersetzer:innen und Redakteur:innen?

\n","date":"2022-09-28T10:34:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":34619}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Anselm Bühling"},{"name":"Olga Radetzkaja"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":"Anselm Bühling hat Slawistik und Philosophie an der Freien Universität Berlin studiert und übersetzt seit 1996 aus dem Englischen und Russischen – unter anderem Michail Chodorkowski, Masha Gessen und Joshua Yaffa. Seit 2016 ist er beim Online-Literaturmagazin tell aktiv.\r\n\r\nOlga Radetzkaja hat Slawistik und Komparatistik studiert. Sie übersetzt aus dem Russischen; zu ihren Autoren gehören unter anderem Lew Tolstoi, Julius Margolin, Jewgeni Wodolaskin und Olga Slawnikowa. Sie ist Co-Autorin des Dokumentarfilms Spurwechsel. Ein Film vom Übersetzen (2003) und arbeitet seit 2008 als Redakteurin bei der Zeitschrift OSTEUROPA.","authorImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/anselm_buehling.png"}},"bodyClass":"translate-journalism","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"journalismus-uebersetzen/arbeit-am-sinn","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":null,"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":80755},{"databaseId":81379}]},{"title":"Journalismus übersetzen","databaseId":74081,"excerpt":"

zwischen Kultur, Politik und Ästhetik

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Dank Übersetzern gibt es Texte in jeweils anderen Sprachen und Kulturen. Da ist es ärgerlich, wenn manche so tun, als gäbe es sie nicht. An welchen Stellen also können und sollten die Übersetzer:innen sichtbar werden? Das beleuchtet Larisa Schippel aus übersetzungswissenschaftlicher Perspektive.

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Welchen Herausforderungen begegnen wir beim Übersetzen journalistischer Texte – was davon ist spezifisch und was begegnet uns immer wieder, nur in unterschiedlichen Kleidern/Texten/in unterschiedlicher Textur? Henriette Reisner mit Thesen, die wir im Neustart-Workshop diskutierten.

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Alexandra Berlina über Sternchen, Hosentaschenfeigen und andere Protestformen sowie die schwierige Frage: Wie übersetzt man Zeichen und Antikriegssymbolik?

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Ein Kätzchen-Meme geht viral im russischsprachigen Internet. Wie kann man den Sprachwitz übersetzen?, fragte die Dozentin Irina Snamenskaja auf Facebook. In einem Post hat sich Sascha Charitonski dazu Gedanken gemacht, Jennie Seitz hat ihn ins Deutsche übersetzt. Alexandra Berlina fragt im Nachtrag: Was sind eigentlich Memes?

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Ruth Altenhofer beobachtet ihre eigenen Interview-Übersetzungen für dekoder und kommt dabei ihrem Tun auf die Schliche: „Ich sorge dafür, dass dekoder-LeserInnen, die kein Russisch verstehen, das Gefühl haben, mit am Tisch zu sitzen.“ Hier beschreibt sie, wie sie das macht.

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Wenn ein Übersetzer sich selbst über die Schulter und auf die Finger schaut, was sieht er da? Welche Fragen stellt er sich? Und mit wem diskutiert er? Hartmut Schröder hat während einer Übersetzung zu einer alten Kulturtechnik gegriffen, nämlich Tagebuch geschrieben – und es uns überlassen.

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Close-Reading einer Übersetzung – das kommt im journalistischen Übersetzen nicht oft vor. Anna Shibarowa tat es und eröffnet durch ihren Metatext neue Schichten eines Textes und seiner Übersetzung.

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Was können Essays? Und wie machen sie das? Und was muss man beim Übersetzen beachten, damit sie es in der anderen Sprache auch noch tun? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer über das Übersetzen einer journalistischen Form, die in unruhigen Zeiten wichtig ist, weil sie nicht überzeugen will.

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Politisch korrekt im engeren Sinne ist die russische Sprache nicht. Was macht eine Übersetzerin, die mit solchen Aspekten im Text konfrontiert ist? So tun, als wäre nichts? Und damit Autoren und Protagonisten womöglich nicht gerecht werden? Das ist bestimmt keine Lösung, so Maria Rajer, die für Transparenz und Selbstermächtigung beim Übersetzen plädiert.

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Wie das Special entstanden ist und was dahinter steckt.

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Russlands Präsident Wladimir Putin eskaliert den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. In den russisch besetzten Teilen der Ukraine sind vermeintliche „Referenden“ über einen Beitritt zu Russland angekündigt. Warum das keine echten Referenden sind und inwiefern das Vorgehen Teil der russischen Kriegsführung ist – das erklären die Wissenschaftlerinnen Cindy Wittke und Gwendolyn Sasse.

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Das Kernkraftwerk Saporishshja – das leistungsstärkste AKW in Europa – liegt im Kriegsgebiet in der Ukraine. Es ist von der russischen Armee besetzt, so etwas hat es bisher nicht gegeben. Wie groß ist die Gefahr für einen Reaktorunfall? Kann es ein zweites Tschernobyl geben?

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Беларуская міфалогія

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беларуская мифология

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Seit dem 24. Februar 2022 führt Russland einen offenen Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine. Wie rechtfertigt Putin diesen Krieg? Wie leistet die Ukraine Widerstand? Und wo liegen die Chancen der Diplomatie? Dazu schreiben Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler in unserem FAQ

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«Украина переживет эту войну, как пережила Голодомор, массовые депортации крестьян и гонения на украинских диссидентов. Украина переживет и выстоит». Украинский писатель Андрей Курков рассказывает о Дне Независимости своей страны — ровно через полгода после начала полномасштабного вторжения России в Украину.

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Am 24. August feiert die Ukraine traditionell ihre Unabhängigkeit, auf die es Russland nicht erst mit dem vor sechs Monaten losgetretenen Angriffskrieg abgesehen hat. Was bedeutet der Krieg für das Unabhängigkeitsgefühl der Ukrainer? Und wie blicken die den Ukrainern verbundenen Belarussen auf den Feiertag? Darüber schreiben die beiden Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow und Alhierd Bacharevič.

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Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, bei dem auch Belarus eine unheilvolle Rolle spielt, sieht sich der Schriftsteller und Lyriker Alhierd Bacharevič einer schmerzhaften Zerrissenheit ausgeliefert.

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„Die Ukraine wird diesen Krieg überleben.” Davon ist der ukrainische Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow überzeugt. Seit Beginn der großen russischen Invasion vor einem halben Jahr beschäftigt er sich nicht mehr mit der Fiktion seiner Romane, sondern damit, der Welt die Geschichte und Kultur seines Landes näherzubringen.

\n","date":"2022-08-24T08:00:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":34337}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Andrej Kurkow","authorDescription":"Andrej Kurkow, geboren 1961 in St. Petersburg, lebt seit seiner Kindheit in Kiew und schreibt in russischer Sprache. Er studierte Fremdsprachen, war Zeitungsredakteur und während des Militärdienstes Gefängniswärter. Danach schrieb er zahlreiche Drehbücher. Seit seinem Roman Picknick auf dem Eis gilt er als einer der wichtigsten zeitgenössischen ukrainischen Autoren. Sein Werk, für das er zahlreich ausgezeichnet wurde, erscheint in 42 Sprachen. Kurkow war von Dezember 2018 bis Januar 2025 Präsident des PEN Ukraine.","authorImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/Kurkow_Andrej_700061194_beschnitten.jpg"}},"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":1,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"kurkow-feiertag-im-rauch-des-krieges","translator":"Ruth Altenhofer","pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":"Unabhängigkeitsdenkmal „Fliegende Ukraine“ in Charkiw, März 2022, © Alina Smutko","beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":73207}]},{"title":"Быть другим – инакомыслие в СССР","databaseId":68773,"excerpt":"","date":"2022-07-06T14:21:37","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":295}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":250,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"https://dissident.dekoder.org/ru","translator":null,"pageType":["default"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":null,"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"ru"},"translations":[{"databaseId":49835}]},{"title":"FAQ #5: Welche Rolle spielt eigentlich Belarus im Ukraine-Krieg?","databaseId":69405,"excerpt":"

Im Krieg gegen die Ukraine steht der belarussische Machthaber Alexander Lukaschenko an der Seite des russischen Präsidenten Putin. Doch bislang sind keine seiner Truppen beteiligt. Warum hilft er Putin? Was hat er zu gewinnen, was zu verlieren? Und was bedeutet das für seinen eigenen Machterhalt?

\n","date":"2022-07-05T15:58:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":31753}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Siarhei Bohdan, Jan Matti Dollbaum, Aliaksandr Papko, Astrid Sahm","authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"faq-welche-rolle-spielt-eigentlich-belarus-im-ukraine-krieg","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-300x176.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-768x451.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-900x529.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-300x176.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-768x451.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-900x529.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":"© AI für dekoder","beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[]},{"title":"FAQ #4: Kriegsverlauf in der Ukraine","databaseId":69389,"excerpt":"

Das war der Stand nach drei Monaten Krieg: Wie lief der Krieg bis dato ab? Wie leistet die ukrainische Armee Widerstand? Und wie groß ist die Gefahr einer atomaren Eskalation?

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Kurz nach dem Angriff auf die Hauptstadt Kiew bot der ukrainische Präsident Selensky eine Neutralität seines Landes an – allerdings geknüpft an Bedingungen.
\nWas kann eine neutrale Ukraine denn theoretisch überhaupt heißen? Und wäre das so eine einfache Lösung, wie es klingt?

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Die Hoffnung lag von Beginn an auf der Diplomatie. Doch wie sind die Chancen auf einen möglichen Waffenstillstand? Kann nicht doch die UNO helfen? Warum ist es so schwierig, mit Putin an den Verhandlungstisch zu gehen?

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Wie hat Wladimir Putin den Angriff auf Kiew und die großflächige Invasion am 24. Februar 2022 begonnen? Und mit welchen Propaganda-Formeln versucht er, ihn legitim erscheinen zu lassen?

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Vorgehen gegen „ausländische Agenten“ in Medien und Zivilgesellschaft, Memorial International aufgelöst, Alexej Nawalny im Straflager … 2021 – ein Jahr des Shifts in Russland.

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У Беларусі святкуюць каталіцкае і праваслаўнае Раство, знітаваны з савецкім мінулым Новы год і – Каляды. У гэтай кароткай гнозе мы тлумачым, што гэта за старажытная традыцыя і адкуль яна паходзіць.

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In Belarus wird das katholische und orthodoxe Weihnachten gefeiert, dazu das aus der Sowjetunion stammende Neujahr und: Kaljady. In dieser kurzen Gnose erklären wir, was es mit diesem archaischen Weihnachtsfest auf sich hat und woher es stammt.

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Жыла сабе адна краіна. Жыла як усе — то добра, то ня вельмі. Жыхары ейныя былі працавітыя ды руплівыя — сеялі, жалі, будавалі, пісалі кнігі, сьпявалі песьні, нараджалі дзяцей. Адно было ў гэтай краіне ня так, як ва ўсіх — ня мела яна караля. Ну, ня мела й ня мела. Зьбіралася двойчы на год рада […]

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Eine belarussische Weihnachtsgeschichte von Lavon Volski.

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Каляды па-беларуску

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Belarussische Mythologie

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Russia was using historical narratives to justify subjugation and aggression in its “near abroad” even before it annexed Crimea in 2014. History has also been conscripted as an aid-de-camp in Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine and confrontation with the West, with stories that keep finding audiences, both in- and outside of Russia, that are ready, even eager to believe.
\nIn the dekoder special Russia’s History Myths Unmasked, renowned authors decode these narratives of Russian (state) history with their intricate underpinnings, some extending back to the Middle Ages.

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The West as the enemy of Russia: where did this narrative originate? Hostility towards the West and towards Europe, in particular, has very deep roots in Russia, which reach back to the Middle Ages and are bound up with religious convictions. The origins of the debates shaping Russian public opinion more recently, though, lie in […]

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Почему миф об «одном народе и общей колыбели» так важен для путинского государства?  В модерной парадигме народы ведут отсчет своей истории не от истоков своей государственности, а от начал нации. Нация древнее своих институтов, они — производное по отношению к ней. Государство тоже возникает на более поздней стадии самоорганизации нации; нация первична. Институт нации потеснил в Новое […]

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В настоящее время руководит международным проектом «Места памяти различных земель руси в раннее Новое время».","authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"title-centered","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"ru/vskrytaja-istorija/nasledniki-drevnej-rusi","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/07/Gemini_Generated_Image_z6nbrez6nbrez6nb-300x300.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/07/Gemini_Generated_Image_z6nbrez6nbrez6nb-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/07/Gemini_Generated_Image_z6nbrez6nbrez6nb-768x768.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/07/Gemini_Generated_Image_z6nbrez6nbrez6nb-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/07/Gemini_Generated_Image_z6nbrez6nbrez6nb-900x900.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/07/Gemini_Generated_Image_z6nbrez6nbrez6nb.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/07/Gemini_Generated_Image_z6nbrez6nbrez6nb-300x300.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/07/Gemini_Generated_Image_z6nbrez6nbrez6nb-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/07/Gemini_Generated_Image_z6nbrez6nbrez6nb-768x768.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/07/Gemini_Generated_Image_z6nbrez6nbrez6nb-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/07/Gemini_Generated_Image_z6nbrez6nbrez6nb-900x900.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/07/Gemini_Generated_Image_z6nbrez6nbrez6nb.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"ru"},"translations":[{"databaseId":194475},{"databaseId":187941}]},{"title":"Arithmetik der Verfolgung","databaseId":195385,"excerpt":"","date":"2026-01-12T00:24:56","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":100539}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/bg_luft.jpg"}},"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":null,"translator":null,"pageType":["default"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":null,"titleVideoPoster":null,"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[]}]}},"pageContext":{"orderId":0,"slug":"freiheit-protest/belarus","published":true,"menuTitle":"","menuCategory":"","authorDescription":"","darkBackground":false,"hasDiscussion":false,"pageType":"centered","author":"","translator":"","photoEditor":"Andy Heller","dataVisualization":"","beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":"","titleVideoSource":"Der 24-jährige Student Alexander wurde festgenommen und im Minsker Okrestina Gefängnis gefoltert / Foto © Jędrzej Nowicki","bodyClass":"","originalUrl":"","originalDate":"","shortened":false,"tileImage":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/01_Jedrzej-Nowicki-001-The-Scars-768x658.jpg","titleVideoPoster":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/01_Jedrzej-Nowicki-001-The-Scars-768x658.jpg","authors":[{"name":"Olga Shparaga","description":"Olga Shparaga ist eine belarussische Philosophin im Exil und Doktorin der Philosophie. Sie ist Autorin von drei Büchern. Das jüngste – „Die Revolution hat ein weibliches Gesicht“ –wurde auf Deutsch bei Suhrkamp (2021) sowie auf Russisch und Litauisch (2022) veröffentlicht. Bis 2021 lehrte sie am European College of Liberal Arts (ECLAB) in Minsk, das sie 2014 zusammen mit Kollegen gegründet hat. Sie ist außerdem Mitbegründerin der feministischen Gruppe im belarussischen Koordinationsrat der Opposition und aktive Teilnehmerin an den Protesten 2020, für die sie im Oktober 2020 16 Tage im Gefängnis verbrachte. Shparaga ist Preisträgerin des Voltaire-Preises 2024 der Universität Potsdam. Derzeit ist sie Gastwissenschaftlerin am Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Wien. Foto © Violetta Savchits","image":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/Olga_Shparaga-e1708531022230.jpg","url":"https://www.dekoder.org/de/person/olga-shparaga"}],"translators":[{"name":"Anselm Bühling","description":null,"image":"","url":""}],"sources":[],"postId":85405,"title":"Die unglaubliche Revolution","description":"

Wie die belarussische Gesellschaft außer Kontrolle geriet

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Die unglaubliche Revolution

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Am Abend der Präsidentschaftswahl, dem 9. August 2020, brach in ganz Belarus eine historische Protestwelle los, getragen von zehntausenden Menschen ganz unterschiedlichen Alters und aus den verschiedensten Berufsgruppen. Diese Revolution gehört zu den 15 größten und längsten Protestwellen der letzten 50 Jahre, bei einigen Parametern übertraf sie sogar die ukrainische Protestbewegung von 2014 und die venezolanische von 2017.1  

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Trotz der schieren Größe haben die Proteste ihr Ziel nicht erreicht: Die Gesellschaft konnte ihre Forderung nach mehr Demokratie und Freiheit nicht durchsetzen. Im Gegenteil: Der Autoritarismus in Belarus hat sich nach 2020 weiter konsolidiert, heute kontrolliert der Staat die Gesellschaft sogar mit Mitteln, die totalitären Regimen eigen sind. 

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Die Verschärfung der Repression schürt Angst und wirkt demobilisierend. Sie verrät aber auch die Angst des Regimes selbst, das mit der Gesellschaft nun vor allem mittels unverhohlener Gewalt „interagiert“.  

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OMON-Einheiten auf der Brücke in der Maxim Bahdanowitsch Straße in den ersten Stunden der Massenproteste / Foto © Jędrzej Nowicki
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Die Proteste von 2020 waren die umfassendsten in der Geschichte von Belarus. Ihre aktive Phase erstreckte sich über mehr als 100 Tage; sie waren prodemokratisch und friedlich, und praktisch alle sozialen Gruppen in ganz Belarus waren involviert. Auslöser waren die für den 9. August 2020 angesetzten Präsidentschaftswahlen der Republik Belarus. Zunächst schien nichts darauf hinzudeuten, dass sich am Status quo etwas ändern könnte: Seit 1994 wurde das Land von dem Dauerregenten Alexander Lukaschenko beherrscht, der die politische Landschaft und die Gesellschaft als Ganzes unter seine Kontrolle gebracht hatte. Protestkundgebungen fanden schon immer wieder in den 1990er und 2000er Jahren bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen und Referenden zu Verfassungsänderungen statt. Vor allem 2006 und 2010 erreichten sie vier- und fünfstellige Teilnehmerzahlen, wurden allerdings auch schnell und effektiv unterdrückt. 

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Eine Frau steht in der Nähe des Okrestina Gefängnis. Sie hält einen Strauß mit weißen Blumen und weißer Schleife. Rote und weiße Blumen und Bänder wurden zu einem Symbol der Proteste / Foto © Jędrzej Nowicki
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Von der „nationalen Wiedergeburt“ zum „lebenswerten Land“

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Im Mai 2020 standen die Menschen in Minsk und anderen Städten jedoch kilometerlang Schlange, um die Kandidaten zu unterstützen, die gegen Lukaschenko antreten wollten. Der populärste von ihnen, der damals 56-jährige Viktor Babariko, konnte insgesamt 400.000 Unterstützer-Unterschriften sammeln und wurde daraufhin Mitte Juni 2020 verhaftet.  

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Auch zwei weitere Bewerber erfreuten sich großer Beliebtheit: der 42-jährige Geschäftsmann und Blogger Sergej Tichanowski und der 55-jährige Waleri Zepkalo, ein bekannter IT-Unternehmer. Tichanowski wurde am 29. Mai 2020 verhaftet; Zepkalos Kandidatur wurde nicht zugelassen und er musste aufgrund von Bedrohungen emigrieren. Die neuen Kandidaten kamen nicht aus dem Umfeld der Oppositionsparteien, die in all den Jahren von Lukaschenkos Herrschaft nur um den Preis scharfer Verfolgungsmaßnahmen – bis hin zu Gefängnisstrafen – hatten existieren können, ohne wirklich etwas zu erreichen. Und sie pflegten auch nicht den gängigen oppositionellen Diskurs, der sich weniger um die Forderungen verschiedener – vor allem jüngerer – Gruppen der Gesellschaft drehte als um die belarussische Kultur, Vergangenheit und Sprache.  

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Dieses Profil der belarussischen Opposition hatte eine lange Tradition. Es entstand zum einen aus der Arbeit der Belarussischen Volksfront (BNF), die 1988 als erste NGO entstand und aus der ein Jahr später die Partei BNF hervorging. Zum anderen war es durch die Tätigkeit der nonkonformistischen belarussischen Intelligenzija geprägt. Sie hatte sich Mitte der 1980er Jahre breiter gesellschaftlicher Unterstützung erfreut, was auf die Unzufriedenheit mit der wirtschaftlichen Lage und die den Folgen der Katastrophe von Tschernobyl zurückging, deren todbringende Emissionen zu 70 Prozent Belarus trafen. Die meisten Organisatoren und Mitglieder der NGO und der Partei BNF – auch der Vorsitzende Sjanon Pasnjak – kamen aus der Intelligenzija. Sie interessierten sich in in den 1970er Jahren erster Linie nicht für den Kampf um Demokratie und die Absetzung des kommunistischen Regimes, sondern für die „nationale Wiedergeburt“ – die Belebung der belarussischen Sprache und Kultur. Zu weiteren Schlüsselpunkten ihres Programms gehörten die Aufarbeitung stalinistischer Repressionen, der Aufbau einer eigenständigen Nation und der Widerstand gegen den „russischen Imperialismus“.2  

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Diese Tendenz setzte sich in den folgenden Jahrzehnten fort. Die Menschen, die sich Anfang der 1990er Jahre für die „nationale Wiedergeburt“ einsetzten – so der Philosoph Valentin Akudowitsch, der sich damals selbst zu den Anhängern dieser Idee zählte und sich in den 2000er Jahren zum Kritiker wandelte – hätten eher in der Vergangenheit als in der Gegenwart gelebt und das Konzept eines ethnischen Nationalstaats vertreten, das Akudowitsch im 21. Jahrhundert nicht mehr als zeitgemäß ansieht.3

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Vom vertikalen zum horizontalen „Gesellschaftsvertrag“: Die Gründe für die Aktivierung der Gesellschaft im Jahr 2020 

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Die Slogans der neuen Bewerber zielten auf Wandel statt „nationale Wiedergeburt“. Sie forderten ein Ende der wirtschaftlichen und politischen Stagnation und eine demokratische Zukunft mit wechselbaren Regierungen, in der die Bürger dank ihrer Kenntnisse, neuer Technologien und Kooperationen aktiv auf den politischen Entscheidungsprozess einwirken können. Viele, die die Kandidaten aktiv unterstützen – etwa in der von Viktor Babarykos Wahlkampfteam gegründeten Initiative Ehrliche Leute – sagten, Belarus brauche Meinungsfreiheit und überhaupt frische Luft. Sie brachten damit nicht nur ihr eigenes Lebensgefühl zum Ausdruck, sondern auch das des Milieus, dem sie entstammten.4 

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Ein Arzt behandelt einen freigelassenen Demonstranten in der Nähe des Gefängnisses in der Okrestina Straße in Minsk, 14. August 2020 / Foto © Jędrzej Nowicki
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Dass die Gesellschaft, als sie im Sommer 2020 aktiv wurde, an die eigenen Kräfte glaubte und sich dem paternalistischen Regime entgegenstellte, lag unter anderem an der Situation, die durch die Corona-Pandemie entstanden war.  

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Ab Mitte März 2020 stiegen die Zahlen der COVID-19-Infektionen und der durch sie bedingten Todesfälle zunehmend an. Die Phrasen der Regierung hatten nichts mehr mit dem zu tun, was Ärzte in den nichtstaatlichen Medien schilderten und was Menschen erlebten, die mit der Krankheit in Kontakt kamen, vor allem in den Regionen. Die Menschen glaubten nicht den offiziell verkündeten Zahlen und waren empört über die Reaktion des Staates und Lukaschenkos Auftreten. Der Präsident weigerte sich, die Pandemie ernst zu nehmen und schob die gesamte Verantwortung für das Geschehen den Bürgerinnen und Bürgern von Belarus selbst zu.   

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Das brachte das Fass zum Überlaufen. Die Menschen hatten genug von dem Modell des paternalistischen „Sozialstaats“, für das Lukaschenkos Herrschaft stand und auf das er sich in seinen offiziellen Verlautbarungen immer wieder berief. Bis Anfang der 2010er Jahre war es ihm – wie Studien belegen und zahlreiche Expertinnen und Experten bezeugen – tatsächlich gelungen, dieses Modell halbwegs zu erhalten. Anders als in den Nachbarstaaten war in Belarus nach der Unabhängigkeit 1991 nicht nur die neoliberale Privatisierung in der Industrie und anderen Branchen ausgeblieben, sondern es hatte auch eine mehr oder weniger gleichmäßige Verteilung der Einkünfte zwischen allen gesellschaftlichen Gruppen gegeben. In den 2010er Jahren zählte Belarus zu den zehn Ländern der Welt mit der kleinsten Einkommensungleichheit.5

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Da diese Wirtschafts- und Sozialpolitik mit Repression einherging, haben Experten von einem besonderen Vertrag zwischen Lukaschenko und der Gesellschaft gesprochen. Der belarussische Philosoph Wladimir Furs etwa hat dies als ein System des freiwilligen Zwangs bezeichnet: Die Bürgerinnen und Bürger genießen soziale Unterstützung, büßen aber zugleich politische Rechte ein und müssen bestimmte Beziehungen mit dem Staat eingehen, etwa durch den Eintritt in regierungsnahe Organisationen an Schulen und Universitäten und in Staatsunternehmen.6  

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Ab Ende der 2000er verschlechterte sich jedoch die ökonomische Situation, unter anderem wegen der Weltwirtschaftskrise ab 2007. Der Staat leitete notgedrungen wirtschaftliche Liberalisierungsmaßnahmen ein und förderte zudem – offen oder verdeckt – die Arbeitsemigration und den Wechsel in die Privatwirtschaft. 2019 waren nach offiziellen Angaben 56,1 Prozent der Belarusinnen und Belarusen im privatwirtschaftlichen Sektor tätig.7 Besonders dynamisch entwickelte sich die IT-Branche, die – nicht zuletzt dank steuerrechtlicher Sonderregelungen – seit 2005 stark im Wachsen begriffen war. Ende 2019 trugen IT-Dienstleistungen 6,5 Prozent zum Bruttoinlandsprodukt von Belarus bei – fast so viel wie die Land-, Forst- und Fischwirtschaft, deren Anteil zusammengenommen bei 7,2 Prozent lag.8  

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Diese begrenzte wirtschaftliche und politische Liberalisierung, die auch als „sanfte Belarussifizierung“ bezeichnet wurde und in deren Zug sich die Regierung um eine Verbesserung ihrer Beziehungen zu den EU-Ländern bemühte, spiegelte sich in der zweiten Hälfte der 2010er Jahre auch im Bereich der unabhängigen Kulturszene und der sozialen NGOs wider – und das nicht nur in Minsk, sondern im ganzen Land.9 Ende des Jahrzehnts gab es in Belarus insgesamt ca. 3.000 bis 3.500 NGOs mit unterschiedlicher Ausrichtung.10 Sie nutzten erstmals auch digitale Technologien, waren horizontal vernetzt und arbeiteten mit kleinen Unternehmen und IT-Firmen zusammen.  

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Wichtig sind insbesondere die Crowdfunding-Plattformen, die um diese Zeit entstanden, und die neuen öffentlichen Räume und Coworking Spaces in Minsk, Brest, Hrodna, Wizebsk, Homel, Mahiljou sowie einigen kleineren Orten. Schwerpunkt der Projekte waren unter anderem Bildung und Aufklärung, Ökologie, Urbanistik, Gleichstellung der Geschlechter und soziale Inklusion, das kulturelle Erbe und Gedächtnis sowie gesellschaftskritische Kunst und Theater. Dabei ging es auch darum, durch Advocacy-Arbeit und auf verschiedene andere Weisen auf die soziale Landschaft in Belarus und ihre staatlich oktroyierten Regeln einzuwirken.  

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Zugleich musste der Staat wegen wirtschaftlicher Stagnation die Sozialausgaben kürzen. Die Preise für die Bahn, den öffentlichen Nahverkehr und Kommunikationsdienstleistungen wurden erhöht, die Renten praktisch eingefroren und die Staatsbediensteten zum überwiegenden Teil auf Kurzzeitverträge umgestellt.11 Die Unzufriedenheit mit diesem vertikalen „Gesellschaftsvertrag“ entlud sich 2017 erstmals in umfassenden regionalen Protesten. Sie richteten sich gegen das sogenannte „Schmarotzergesetz“, das unter anderem die zunehmende wirtschaftliche und soziale Ungleichheit zwischen Minsk und den Regionen offenkundig werden ließ.  

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In der Pandemiesituation traf die Enttäuschung der vulnerabelsten Bevölkerungsgruppen, die bisher loyal zu Lukaschenko gestanden hatten, auf eine Gesellschaft, die bereit war, in Eigenregie eine „Fürsorge-Infrastruktur“ zu errichten und zu betreiben. In vieler Hinsicht gelang ihr dies auch. Im März 2020 wurde die Kampagne ByCovid gestartet, eine gesellschaftliche Initiative zur Unterstützung von Ärzten und Kliniken. In nur 45 Tagen brachten Freiwillige mit vereinten Kräften per Crowdfunding 250.000 US-Dollar zur Beschaffung der notwendigsten Geräte und Infektions-Schutzmittel zusammen.12 Zudem nähten die Aktivistinnen und Aktivisten der Kampagne in verschiedenen belarussischen Städten auch Schutzanzüge, kümmerten sich um den Einkauf und den Transport von Masken, Antiseptika und Geräten sowie das Sortieren von Medikamenten und Schutzmitteln. Dutzende von Cafés und Restaurants beteiligten sich an der Verpflegung der Ärzte und Freiwilligen. Es wurde eine eigene Website eingerichtet, über die die Ärzteteams Hilfe anfordern konnten. Fast alle medizinischen Einrichtungen des Landes taten das.

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„Ich will eine Präsidentin“: Die Frauen übernehmen

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Diese horizontal organisierte Gemeinschaft war die Basis der Protestbewegung von 2020. Sie brachte während der ersten Welle nicht nur die neuen männlichen Protagonisten Sergej Tichanowski, Viktor Babariko und Waleri Zepkalo hervor, sondern – nach deren Festnahme und Inhaftierung – auch weibliche Leitfiguren: Swetlana Tichanowskaja, Maria Kolesnikowa und Veronika Zepkalo. Die studierte Pädagogin Tichanowskaja, Ehefrau von Sergej Tichanowski, war zuvor als Hausfrau tätig gewesen. Die Musikerin und Kulturmanagerin Kolesnikowa hatte das Wahlkampfteam Viktor Babarikos geleitet und Veronika Zepkalo das Team ihres Ehemanns Waleri Zepkalo.  

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Diese drei Frauen aus der Millennial-Generation, die bei der Präsidentschaftswahl 2020 die Hälfte der Wählerschaft stellte,13 schlossen sich Mitte Juli zu einem „vereinten Wahlkampfteam“ zusammen. Das Team unterstützte Swetlana Tichanowskaja, die nach der Inhaftierung ihres Mannes selbst als Kandidatin für das Präsidentenamt angetreten war und die offizielle Zulassung erhalten hatte. Sie begründete ihre Kandidatur mit der Liebe zu ihrem Mann und zu ganz Belarus und positionierte sich als Übergangskandidatin, die bei einem Sieg alle politischen Gefangenen freilassen und neue, faire Wahlen organisieren würde.  

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Das Symbol des vereinten Frauen-Wahlkampfteams – die geballte Faust, das Herz und das Victory-Zeichen V – wurde nicht zuletzt durch die Version der Künstlerin Antonina Slobodtschikowa bekannt, die schon einen Tag nach der Gründung des Teams entstand. Die Kampagne wurde in zahlreichen Städten geführt. Hunderttausende Menschen kamen zu den Veranstaltungen des Teams, ein Novum in der Geschichte von Belarus. Lukaschenko erklärte derweil bei seinen Auftritten, die belarussische Verfassung sei „nicht für Frauen gemacht“ und die Gesellschaft akzeptiere die Kandidatur einer Frau nicht. Er schlüpfte sogar in die Pose des gewalttätigen Liebhabers und verkündete, er werde seine Geliebte – womit er den Staat Belarus meinte – niemand anderem überlassen.    

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Trotzdem erfuhren Swetlana Tichanowskaja und das vereinte Team ein beispielloses Ausmaß an gesellschaftlicher Unterstützung. Tausende von Menschen im ganzen Land meldeten sich zur Wahlbeobachtung und sprachen sich in den sozialen Medien per Text- und Videobotschaft für faire Wahlen aus. Die IT-Community in Belarus und in der Diaspora entwickelte unter der Leitung von Pawel Liber die Digitalplattform Golos für alternative Stimmenauszählung. Über sie konnten in Kooperation mit der digitalen Plattform Subr und mit Unterstützung Initiative Ehrliche Leute die Wahlprotokolle von 22,7 Prozent aller Wahlbezirke – 1310 von insgesamt 5767 – digital ausgewertet werden.14 Anhand der Daten sowie der Aussagen von Mitgliedern der Wahlkommissionen ließ sich nachweisen, dass die Ergebnisse in mindestens einem Drittel der Wahlbezirke gefälscht worden waren. In den Bezirken, in denen die Stimmen ordnungsgemäß gezählt wurden, erhielt Swetlana Tichanowskaja über 50 Prozent der Stimmen.  

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Die in Berlin lebende belarussische Künstlerin Marina Naprushkina hat dieser Unterstützung, die nicht allein Swetlana Tichanowskaja, sondern dem gesamten vereinten Frauenteam galt, ihr Textkunstwerk „Ich will eine Präsidentin“ gewidmet. Sie hebt darin besonders die Feministin Maria Kolesnikowa hervor, die durch ihre Videobotschaften, ihre unermüdliche Teilnahme an Protestkundgebungen und ihre Losungen bekannt wurde: „Wir Belarussen sind unglaublich!“ und „Wir müssen auf dieses Regime einhämmern, einhämmern, einhämmern“. Im September 2020 zerriss Kolesnikowa an der Grenze ihren Pass, um ihre gewaltsame Ausweisung aus Belarus zu vereiteln. Heute sitzt sie – wie Tausende andere politische Gefangene in Belarus – im Gefängnis, wo sie Folterungen und Todesgefahr ausgesetzt ist.  

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Ihr Spruch „Wir Belarussen sind unglaublich!“ passt zu einem Gedankengang des iranisch-amerikanischen Wissenschaftlers Asef Bayat, der die Revolutionen des Arabischen Frühlings um 2010/2011 erforscht. In seinem 2021 erschienenen Buch Revolutionary Life: The Everyday of the Arab Spring weist Bayat darauf hin, dass diese Revolutionen möglich waren, weil gewöhnliche (ordinary) und sehr verschiedene Menschen – junge und alte, einkommensschwache und wohlhabende, Männer, Frauen und andere – zu außergewöhnlichen (extraordinary) wurden. Aus gruppenspezifischen Forderungen wurden Forderungen der ganzen Gesellschaft, und die Beteiligung an den Protesten nahm vielfältige Formen an.15 Wie die belarussische Revolution von 2020 hatten auch die Revolutionen des Arabischen Frühlings eine Vielfalt von Leitfiguren und zeichneten sich durch horizontale Organisationspraktiken und die zentrale Funktion digitaler Technologien aus. Die Frauen, die in ihnen eine wichtige Rolle spielten, hatten einige Gemeinsamkeiten mit Maria Kolesnikowa.

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„Wir sind hier die Macht“: Die Protestierenden in Belarus 2020 und ihre Handlungsweisen

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Am 9. August erlebten die Menschen in ganz Belarus, wie die Wahlergebnisse vor ihren Augen gefälscht wurden. Noch in derselben Nacht gingen sie in Minsk, Brest und anderen Städten auf die Straße. Als die Zentrale Wahlkommission verkündete, 80,23 Prozent der Wählerschaft hätten für Lukaschenko gestimmt, heizte das die Proteststimmung zusätzlich an. Am selben Abend wurde das Internet praktisch in ganz Belarus gesperrt. 

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Silowiki in der Nähe der Stele der Heldenstadt, 23. August 2020 / Foto © Jędrzej Nowick
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In der Nacht vom 9. zum 10. August fanden in 30 belarussischen Städten Protestkundgebungen statt. Tausende beteiligten sich daran. Miliz, OMON und die Truppen des Innenministeriums gingen mit Tränengas, Blendgranaten, Wasserwerfern und Gummigeschossen gegen die friedlich Demonstrierenden vor. In Brest kamen sogar Schusswaffen zum Einsatz. Vom 9. bis zum 12. August wurden 6.000 Menschen verhaftet. Mindestens zwei Personen wurden getötet – eine in Minsk und eine in Brest – und Tausende körperlich misshandelt.16 

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Über Telegram-Kanäle und andere Onlinemedien wurden unzählige Foto-, Ton- und Videozeugnisse der Gewaltanwendung verbreitet. Die Menschen auf den Videobildern waren mit blauen Flecken übersät. Viele wurden mit Knochenbrüchen und anderen Verletzungen, die chirurgische Eingriffe erforderten, ins Krankenhaus eingeliefert. Die verletzten Männer und Frauen berichteten, wie brutal sie geschlagen worden waren – erst bei der Verhaftung, dann im Gefangenentransporter, auf dem Hof der Bezirksinnenverwaltung und schließlich im Gefängnis. Die Verhafteten – darunter auch solche, die zufällig ins Epizentrum der Gewalt geraten waren – wurden in überfüllten Gewahrsamsräumen und Gefängniszellen festgehalten. Sie mussten stundenlang mit dem Gesicht nach unten und gefesselten Händen auf dem Fußboden oder übereinander liegen und erhielten weder Essen noch Wasser. Schläge und Tritte führten dazu, dass einige für lange Zeit das Bewusstsein verloren. Gleichzeitig verbreitete sich die Nachricht, dass das Regime Swetlana Tichanowskaja in der Nacht vom 10. auf den 11. August zur Ausreise nach Litauen gezwungen hatte.

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Opfer der Miliz-Gewalt Artjom in einem Minsker Krankenhaus / FOTO © Jędrzej Nowicki
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Die zahllosen Belege für das gewaltsame Vorgehen in den ersten drei Tagen nach der Wahl, die über verschiedene Telegram-Kanäle und andere Kommunikationswege – vor allem NEXTA – verbreitet wurden, lösten die zweite große Protestwelle aus.17 Die Menschen bildeten Ketten der Solidarität. Am 12. August schlossen sich Frauen auf dem Kamarouski rynak, einem Markt im Stadtzentrum von Minsk, zu einer solchen Kette zusammen. Der Protest blieb weiterhin friedlich und richtete sich vor allem gegen die Anwendung von Gewalt.   

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Laut Erhebungen des britischen Thinktanks Chatham House beteiligte sich allein im August und September 2020 ein Fünftel der belarussischen Stadtbevölkerung an Protesten.18 An den Kundgebungen Ende November 2020 nahmen vor allem Einwohnerinnen und Einwohner von Minsk und anderen Städten teil. Die Männer waren leicht in der Mehrzahl, und die größte Altersgruppe war die der 31- bis 40-jährigen, zu der zwei von fünf Befragten zählten. Aber auch die 18- bis 30-jährigen und die 41- bis 50-jährigen waren gut vertreten. Die Protestierenden verfügten zum größten Teil über Hochschulbildung und arbeiteten vorwiegend in IТ, Industrie, Handel, Baugewerbe, Wissenschaft und Bildung, aber auch vielen anderen Berufsfeldern. Die IT-Branche war mit 15 Prozent am stärksten vertreten.19 In Staatsunternehmen wurde ebenso gestreikt wie in TV-Sendern und Universitäten. Lehrer, Sportler, Künstler, Rentner und Menschen mit Behinderung schlossen sich jeweils untereinander zusammen, um Aktionen zu organisieren und die Opfer staatlicher Gewalt zu unterstützen. Besondere Bedeutung hatten die Hofgemeinschaften der Wohnblöcke und ihre Aktionen.

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Okrestina Gefängnis in Minsk / Foto © Jędrzej Nowicki
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Eine wichtige Institution der Protestbewegung war der Koordinationsrat. Er war auf Swetlana Tichanowskajas Initiative hin gebildet worden, um eine gesellschaftliche Plattform für Verhandlungen mit dem Regime zu schaffen. Der Rat, dessen Präsidium unter anderem die Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexijewitsch angehörte, forderte die Freilassung aller politischen Gefangenen, das Ende der Repressionen und die Einleitung neuer, fairer Wahlen. Auch die im Ausland lebenden Belarussinnen und Belarussen unterstützten ihre Landsleute vor Ort mit ganzem Einsatz. Erstmals seit der Unabhängigkeit empfanden sie Stolz darauf, der politischen Gemeinschaft von Belarus oder der belarussischen Nation anzugehören. 

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„Einhämmern, einhämmern, einhämmern“: Die belarussischen Proteste im aktuellen Kontext

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Eine der wichtigsten Protestaktionen des Sommers und Herbstes 2020 war der landesweite Sonntagsmarsch am 16. August. Allein in Minsk nahmen zwischen 200.000 und 500.000 Menschen daran teil. Lukaschenko versuchte damals vergeblich, seine Anhängerschaft zu aktivieren. Im August 2020 blieb die proautoritäre Mobilisierung in Belarus äußerst schwach. Es waren vor allem die Silowiki, die weiterhin an Lukaschenko festhielten (wobei mindestens 461 im Herbst 2020 aus dem Beruf ausschieden).20 

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Trotzdem kam es in Belarus auch nach 100 Tagen intensiver Proteste nicht zu einem Regimewechsel. Wie ein vergleichender Blick zeigt, ist das jedoch nicht ungewöhnlich. Ähnlich verlief die Entwicklung etwa bei den Protesten in der Türkei 2013 oder in Polen 1980/81. Das politische Erwachen der belarussischen Gesellschaft zwang das Lukaschenko-Regime zur Verschärfung der Repressionen. Diese haben ein in der jüngsten Geschichte des Landes bisher nie gekanntes Ausmaß erreicht. Das Regime selbst scheut nicht davor zurück, Parallelen zu den stalinistischen „Säuberungen“ der 1930er Jahre zu ziehen.

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Nach der Freilassung aus dem Foltergefängnis Okrestina / FOTO © Jędrzej Nowicki
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Zurzeit gibt es in Belarus nicht weniger als 1613 politische Gefangene. In den letzten drei Jahren werden Monat für Monat hunderte Menschen festgenommen und zu bis zu 20 Jahren Gefängnis verurteilt. Es gibt mehr als 5.000 politische Strafverfahren, und über 50.000 Menschen sind seit 2020 verschiedenen Formen der Verfolgung ausgesetzt. Sobald jemand aus dem Gefängnis freikommt, nimmt umgehend ein neuer politischer Häftling seinen oder ihren Platz ein. Zudem sind über 1.400 NGOs und über 600 unabhängige Medien zwangsweise geschlossen worden oder müssen mit Schließung rechnen. 200.000 bis 500.000 Belarussinnen und Belarussen mussten das Land verlassen, weil ihnen politische Repressionen oder wirtschaftliche Sanktionen drohten.   

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Die wichtigsten Medien, etwa Zerkalo.io (bis 2020 Tut.by) oder Nasha Niva, die älteste Zeitung von Belarus, setzen ihre Arbeit im Ausland fort. Auch die verschiedenen prodemokratischen politischen Organisationen sind für die Aktivitäten der Diaspora von entscheidender Bedeutung, vor allem das Büro von Swetlana Tichanowskaja, der Koordinierungsrat und das Vereinigte Übergangskabinett. Letzteres wurde am 9. August 2022 unter dem Druck der belarussischen Gesellschaft geschaffen, die eine deutlichere Reaktion der prodemokratischen Gemeinschaft auf die Ausweitung des russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine ab Februar 2022 forderte. 

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Dieser großflächige Krieg prägt neben den unausgesetzten Repressionen den Kontext, in dem die belarussische Gesellschaft heute existieren muss. Während Lukaschenko den russischen Präsidenten Putin in der neuen Phase des von ihm entfesselten Kriegs unterstützt, zeigt die Gesellschaft Solidarität mit der Ukraine. Anfang 2024 wurden in Belarus nicht weniger als 1645 Menschen aus diesem Grund politisch verfolgt. 82 von ihnen erhielten Gefängnisstrafen zwischen einem und 23 Jahren. Die Bürger und Bürgerinnen von Belarus haben das Gefühl, unter einer doppelten Besatzung zu leben: zum einen durch das illegitime belarussische Regime, zum anderen durch die militärische Präsenz Russlands.   

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Dieser zweifache Kontext hat dazu geführt, dass im Kampf für die demokratische Zukunft von Belarus auch die Frage der nationalen Unabhängigkeit und Erhalt der eigenen Staatlichkeit an Aktualität gewonnen hat. Neben dem Widerstand gegen den Autoritarismus und dem Bekenntnis zu Demokratie und Menschenrechten stehen heute in Belarus selbst und in der Diaspora auch die Bewahrung der belarussischen Kultur, die Auseinandersetzung mit der Vergangenheit und das historische Gedächtnis wieder auf der Tagesordnung.

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In der Nähe der Stele der Heldenstadt am Prospekt der Sieger, unweit des Zentrums der Hauptstadt. Der Platz an der Stele war ein zentraler Versammlungsort für die ersten Sonntagsmärsche / Foto © Jędrzej Nowicki
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Das verbindende Element zwischen all diesen Aufgaben und Themen ist die Solidarität, die die Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmer der Proteste 2020 begründet haben und die den Ausdruck „unglaublich“ wirklich rechtfertigt. Die Frau eines politischen Gefangenen, die noch in Minsk lebt und anonym bleiben möchte, hat das im April 2023 so ausgedrückt: „Das Jahr 2020 lebt weiter. Wenn ich durch die Stadt laufe und die Menschen sehe, denke ich: Ihr wart ja alle bei den Sonntagsmärschen dabei! Wir waren damals vereint und haben etwas Unglaubliches gespürt. Und auch wenn wir heute alle unter der Besatzung leben, die Stadt ist immer noch unsere. Die Menschen unterstützen sich gegenseitig. Man hat das Gefühl, sich aufeinander verlassen zu können. Nur findet das heute nicht mehr auf der Straße statt, sondern in den privaten Beziehungen, in Gesprächen, in verschiedenen Situationen, denen wir ausgesetzt sind. Und diese Unterstützung hilft mir, auszuhalten, dass mein Mann im Gefängnis sitzt.“21

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  1. belinstitute.com, Toward a New Belarus: Transformation Factors, 27.09.2021, S. 68. ↩︎
  2. Astroŭskaja, Taccjana, Kul’tura i supraciŭ. Intėlihencyja, inšadumstva i samvydat u saveckaj Belarusi (1968–1988), Balestok 2022, S. 166. Auf Englisch: Tatsiana Austrouskaya, Cultural Dissent in Soviet Belarus (1968–1988). Intelligentsia, Samizdat and Nonconformist Discourses, Harrassowitz 2019. ↩︎
  3. Akudowitsch, Valentin, Der Abwesenheitscode. Versuch, Weißrussland zu verstehen, Suhrkamp 2013, S. 106. ↩︎
  4. Shparaga, Olga, U revoljucii ženskoe lico. Slučaj Belarusi, Petro ofsetas 2021, S. 160. Auf Deutsch: Shparaga, Olga, Die Revolution hat ein weibliches Gesicht. Der Fall Belarus, Suhrkamp 2021.  ↩︎
  5. Stykow, Petra, Der lange Abschied vom Bac’ka, in: Osteuropa, 70. Jahrgang, Heft 10–11, Berlin 2020, S. 107–125. ↩︎
  6. Furs, Vladimir, Belorusskij proekt «sovremennosti»?, 2007. Furs, Vladimir, Sočinenija v 2 t. EGU, 2012, S. 137–154, S. 159. ↩︎
  7. Nacional’nyj statističeskij komitet Respubliki Belarus‘, Belarus‘ v cifrach. Statističeskij spravočnik 2019, Minsk 2019, S. 14. ↩︎
  8. dev.by, Ministr ėkonomiki: belorusskoe IT sravnjalos‘ po značimosti s sel’skim chozjajstvom (6,1% v VVP vs 7,2%), 27.11.2019. ↩︎
  9. Shparaga, Olga, U revoljucii ženskoe lico. Slučaj Belarusi, S. 248ff. ↩︎
  10. lawtrend.org, Likvidacija nekommerčeskich organizacij v Belarusi 2021–2023. ↩︎
  11. Shparaga, Olga, U revoljucii ženskoe lico. Slučaj Belarusi, S. 146. ↩︎
  12. Als die Kampagne am 26. Juni zu Ende ging, waren 335.000 Dollar zusammengekommen – ein Rekord bei der Spendensammlung durch Einzelpersonen in Belarus. ↩︎
  13. Stykow, Petra, Der lange Abschied vom Bac’ka, S. 113. ↩︎
  14. Itogovyj otčet o vyborach prezidenta Respubliki Belarus‘. Po dannym platform «Golos», «Zubr» i soobščestva «Čestnye ljudi», 20.08.2020.  ↩︎
  15. Bayat, Asef, Revolutionary Life: The Everyday of the Arab Spring, Harvard University Press 2021, S. 108. ↩︎
  16. Am 1. September berichteten UN-Experten über 450 dokumentierte Fälle von Folter in Belarus, darunter auch Vergewaltigungen (ohcr.org, Ėksperty OON po pravam čeloveka: Belarus‘ dolžna prekratit‘ pytki nad protestujuščimi i predotvratit‘ nasil’stvennye isčeznovenija), während der OSZE-Bericht im Rahmen des so genannten Moskauer Mechanismus vom 29. Oktober 2020 feststellt, dass die systematische und weit verbreitete Misshandlung und Folter zahlreicher Menschen in Belarus „klar von einem Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit zeugt“. ↩︎
  17. Umfragen ergaben, dass die Hälfte der Demonstrierenden nicht sofort, sondern erst drei Tage nach der Wahl auf die Straße gingen. Siehe Stykow, Petra, Der lange Abschied vom Bac’ka, S. 122. ↩︎
  18. Chatham House, What Belarusians Think About Their Country’s Crisis, 21.10.2020. ↩︎
  19. Narodny opros, Chronika protestov v Belarusi glazami samich protestujuščich, 27.11.2020. ↩︎
  20. Vgl. belinstitute.com, Toward a New Belarus: Transformation Factors, 27.09.2021, S. 37. ↩︎
  21. politzek.me, «Chaj by oni uže prišli za mnoj». Čem živet segodnja Belarus‘, 05.04.2023. ↩︎
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Am 9. August 2020 fand die Präsidentschaftswahl in Belarus statt. Bereits im Vorfeld zu Beginn der Wahlkampagne waren aussichtsreiche Kandidaten inhaftiert worden. An der Wahl, die Alexander Lukaschenko nach offiziellen Angaben mit 80,23 Prozent der Stimmen gewonnen haben soll, gab es vehemente Kritik von der Oppositionsbewegung und von der internationalen Staatenwelt. Die Vorwürfe: Wahlbetrug und -manipulation. Bereits am Abend des 9. August gingen zehntausende Belarussen in vielen Städten und Orten auf die Straße. Die Machthaber antworteten mit massiver Gewalt und Repressionen. Bis zum 13. August gab es 6000 Festnahmen.

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Die Repressionen in Belarus werden immer wieder mit denen unter Putin in Russland verglichen. Artyom Shraibman erklärt detailliert, mit welchen Mitteln das System Lukaschenko gegen Opposition, Medien und Zivilgesellschaft vorgeht und was der russischen Gesellschaft noch bevorstehen könnte.

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Alle totalitären Tendenzen, die seit 2022 in Belarus auftraten, haben sich noch verstärkt, schreibt der Politologe Artyom Shraibman in seiner Analyse. Er rechnet nicht mit einem schnellen Abbau der neuen Machtstrukturen, schließt aber einen Rückgang der Repressionen nicht aus.

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„In Belarus kann man für alles Mögliche ins Gefängnis kommen.“ – In ihrer Kolumne für das Online-Medium KYKY erzählt die belarussische Kunstfigur Trauriger Kolenka über die alltägliche Angst der Belarussen, Opfer staatlicher Repressionen zu werden.

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Alexander Lukaschenko, 1954 geboren, wurde nach der Unabhängigkeit von Belarus 1994 zum ersten Präsidenten des jungen Landes gewählt. Mit seinem Talent, Menschen zu erreichen, und seinen populistischen Losungen, die versprachen, die Korruption und die Wirtschaftskrise zu bekämpfen, konnte er die Wahl für sich entscheiden. Danach begann er, die demokratischen Freiheiten sukzessive abzuschaffen, das Parlament zu entmachten und die Opposition zu verfolgen. Er errichtete eine Diktatur, die sich bis heute als äußerst zäh erweist. Waleri Karbalewitsch über die Entwicklung des Systems Lukaschenko und die Gründe für dessen Langlebigkeit.  

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/krise-des-jahres-1996-belarus\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Krise des Jahres 1996 (Belarus)\",\"text\":\"

Als Minsker Frühling werden eine Reihe von Protesten im Frühjahr 1996 und 1997 bezeichnet, an denen zehntausende Belarussen teilnahmen. Auslöser waren die Unterzeichnung der ersten Integrationsabkommen zwischen Belarus und Russland im April 1996, der zehnte Jahrestag der Tschernobyl-Katastrophe sowie ein Referendum vom November 1996, welches eine Verfassungsänderung zugunsten des Präsidenten nach sich zog und das Parlament entmachtete. Bei den Protesten kam es zu blutigen Zusammenstößen zwischen der Staatsgewalt und den Demonstranten.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/praesidentschaftswahl-belarus-2006-und-die-folgen\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Präsidentschaftswahl in Belarus 2006 und die Folgen\",\"text\":\"

Am 19. März 2006 fand in Belarus die Präsidentschaftswahl statt, die schon im Vorfeld für heftige Kritik gesorgt hatte. Alexander Lukaschenko hatte sich 2004 über ein umstrittenes Referendum die Möglichkeit gesichert, sich für weitere Legislaturperioden wählen lassen zu können. Am Abend der Präsidentschaftswahl kam es auf dem Oktoberplatz in Minsk zu Protesten, an denen mehr als 10.000 Menschen teilnahmen und die als Jeans-Revolution bezeichnet wurden. In den folgenden Tagen entstand auf dem Platz eine Zeltstadt, die aber nach fünf Tagen von den Sicherheitskräften geräumt wurde.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/proteste-nach-praesidentschaftswahl-belarus-am-19122010\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Proteste nach Präsidentschaftswahl in Belarus am 19.12.2010\",\"text\":\"

Am 19. Dezember 2010 kam es in der belarussischen Hauptstadt Minsk zu Massenprotesten. Rund 40.000 Menschen protestierten am Abend der Präsidentschaftswahl gegen Wahlfälschungen und zogen vom Oktoberplatz zum Platz der Unabhängigkeit, wo der Protestzug schließlich brutal von den Sicherheitskräften aufgelöst wurde. In der Folge kam es zu einer Welle von Repressionen, bei der sieben Präsidentschaftskandidaten und rund 700 Oppositionelle festgenommen wurden. Viele Aktivisten verließen das Land. Ploschtscha ist die belarussische Bezeichnung für Platz. Sie hat sich als Abbreviatur für den Oktoberplatz eingebürgert, wo üblicherweise die Proteste stattfanden.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/viktor-babariko\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Viktor Babariko\",\"text\":\"

Viktor Babariko (geb. 1963, belarussisch: Viktar Babaryka) ist ein belarussischer Oppositionspolitiker und ehemaliger Bankier. Seit 1995 arbeitete er im belarussischen Banksektor, zuletzt als Vorstandsvorsitzender der Belgazprombank. Am 18. Juni 2020 wurde er  zusammen mit seinem Sohn unter dem Vorwurf der Korruption festgenommen und sitzt derzeit im Gefängnis. Zu diesem Zeitpunkt galt er als aussichtsreichster Oppositionskandidat. Sein Team hatte nach eigenen Angaben bereits 425.000 Unterschriften gesammelt. 100.000 sind notwendig, um offiziell als Präsidentschaftskandidat registriert zu werden.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/sergej-tichanowski\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Sergej Tichanowski\",\"text\":\"

Sergej Tichanowski (geb. 1978, belarussisch: Sjarhej Zichanouski) ist ein belarussischer Videoproduzent und YouTube-Blogger. Durch regierungskritische Videobeiträge erlangte er seit März 2019 große Popularität in Belarus. Am 7. Mai 2020 erklärte er, für die belarussischen Präsidentschaftswahlen kandidieren zu wollen. Am 29. Mai wurde er wegen einer nicht genehmigten Kundgebung festgenommen und sitzt derzeit im Gefängnis.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/waleri-zepkalo\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Waleri Zepkalo\",\"text\":\"

Waleri Zepkalo (geb. 1965, belaruss. Walery Zapkala) ist ein belarussischer Geschäftsmann. In der Sowjetunion absolvierte er nach einem technischen Studium das Staatliche Moskauer Institut für Internationale Beziehungen (MGIMO) und war von 1997 bis 2002 als belarussischer Diplomat in Mexiko und den USA. Er ist der Gründer des Belarussischen Hi-Tech Park (HTP), den er von 2005 bis 2017 leitete. Im Mai 2020 erklärte er, für die belarussischen Präsidentschaftswahlen kandidieren zu wollen. Am 24. Juli 2020 floh er aus Angst vor Verhaftung mit seinen beiden Söhnen nach Moskau, aktuell lebt er in Riga.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/belarussischen-volksfront-geschichte-unabhaengigkeit-belarus\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Wegbereiter der Unabhängigkeit\",\"text\":\"

Die belarussischen Machthaber haben mittlerweile alle Oppositionsparteien verboten. Darunter auch die Belarussische Volksfront (BNF), eine der ältesten Parteien des Landes, die für die Geschichte des Landes eine wichtige Rolle gespielt hat. Das belarussische Medium Zerkalo hat die Geschichte der Bewegung und Partei aufgeschrieben. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/tschernobyl-belarus-folgen\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Tschernobyl in Belarus\",\"text\":\"

Obwohl sich die Reaktorkatastrophe im AKW Tschernobyl auf dem Gebiet der heutigen Ukraine ereignete, wurde Belarus am stärksten von den Folgen der Katastrophe getroffen. Etwa 70 Prozent des radioaktiven Fallouts gingen auf dem Territorium der heutigen Republik Belarus nieder. Für Belarus ist Tschernobyl daher eine nationale Tragödie mit ökologischen, gesundheitlichen, sozialen, wirtschaftlichen und politischen Dimensionen. Die Katastrophe hat die Entwicklung des Landes wesentlich beeinflusst und hat bis heute Auswirkungen auf das Leben seiner Bewohner.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/sjanon-pasnjak\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Sjanon Pasnjak\",\"text\":\"

Sjanon Pasnjak (geb. 1944) ist ein belarussischer Oppositioneller. Schon während der Perestroika wurde er zum Anführer der Belarussischen Volksfront „Wiedergeburt“ – eine soziale und politische Bewegung, aus der 1993 die sich als nationalkonservativ positionierende Partei Belarussische Nationale Front (BNF) entstand. Pasnjak galt vielerorts als charismatisch, aber auch als radikaler politischer Gestalter des unabhängigen Belarus. Als direkter Gegner von Lukaschenko musste er bereits 1996 ins Exil, bis heute prägt er aber die politische Landschaft des Landes.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/wiedergeburtsbewegung-belarus\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Wiedergeburtsbewegung (Belarus)\",\"text\":\"

Die belarussische Wiedergeburtsbewegung entstand im 19. Jahrhundert in den belarussischen Gebieten des Russischen Zarenreiches. Ihr Ziel war die Entwicklung der belarussischen Kultur, Sprache und Bildung; ihre Vertreter setzten sich für die sozialen Rechte der Bauern, für das griechisch-römische Glaubensbekenntnis und für die Popularisierung einer nationalen belarussischen Identität ein. Der Begriff Wiedergeburt (belaruss. adradshenne) bezog sich auf das Mittelalter, als Alt-Belarussisch (Ruthenisch) die Kanzleisprache des Großfürstentums Litauen gewesen war. Aufgrund zaristischer Repressionen und einer geringen Anhängerschaft blieb die Bewegung lange im Untergrund, erst nach der Revolution von 1905 erlangte sie politischen Einfluss,seit der zweiten Hälfte der 1980er Jahre erlebte sie eine Renaissance. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/corona-belarus-vierte-welle\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"„Als wäre es ein Horrorfilm“\",\"text\":\"

Belarus und Corona: überfüllte Krankenhäuser, steigende Infektionszahlen, eine extrem niedrige Impfrate. Nachdem der autoritäre Staat die Pandemie weitgehend ignorierte und damit auch selbst die Proteste anheizte, entfaltet die vierte Welle ihre volle Wucht.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/belarussischer-sonderweg-wirtschaft\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Der belarussische Sonderweg\",\"text\":\"

Als belarussischer Sonderweg wird die spezifische Verbindung von planwirtschaftlichen Methoden der Wirtschaftslenkung und dem neopatrimonialen politischen System von Präsident Alexander Lukaschenko bezeichnet.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/aufstieg-repressionen-flucht-das-schicksal-der-belarussischen-it-branche\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Aufstieg, Repressionen, Flucht – das Schicksal der belarussischen IT-Branche\",\"text\":\"

Bis 2020 war der IT-Sektor die Hoffnung der belarussischen Wirtschaft. Er hatte eine stürmische Entwicklung genommen; auf ihn entfiel ein immer größerer Anteil am belarussischen BIP. Die Proteste nach den Wahlen 2020, die Repressionen und der Krieg in der Ukraine haben alles verändert. Hat Belarus als IT-Standort noch eine Zukunft?

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/die-beziehungen-zwischen-belarus-und-der-eu\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Die Beziehungen zwischen Belarus und der EU\",\"text\":\"

Seit dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion bemüht sich die EU um pragmatische Beziehungen zu Belarus. Und auch in Belarus gab es Phasen der Annäherung an den westlichen Partner. Doch seit der Niederschlagung der Proteste im Herbst 2020 befinden sich die Beziehungen an einem historischen Tiefpunkt.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/proteste-belarus-schmarotzersteuer-fruehling-2017\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Proteste in Belarus (Schmarotzersteuer/ Frühling 2017)\",\"text\":\"

Im Februar 2017 begannen in Belarus Proteste anzuschwelen. Auslöser war die sogenannte Schmarotzer-Steuer in Höhe von umgerechnet rund 227 Euro, die seit 2016 alle Arbeitsfähigen entrichten mussten, wenn sie weniger als 183 Tage im Jahr einer geregelten Arbeit nachgehen. Rund 470.000 Belarussen waren von der Steuer betroffen, sie sollten diese bis spätestens 20. Februar 2017 entrichtet haben. Beim Höhepunkt der Proteste am 25. März wurden mehrere hundert Menschen verhaftet. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/swetlana-tichanowskaja\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Swetlana Tichanowskaja\",\"text\":\"

Swetlana Tichanowskaja (geb. 1982, belarussisch: Swjatlana Zichanouskaja) ist eine parteilose belarussische Politikerin. Bei der Präsidentschaftswahl im August 2020 ist sie als Kandidatin gegen den amtierenden Präsidenten Alexander Lukaschenko angetreten. Die Wahl war offensichtlich manipuliert, das offizielle Wahlergebnis von rund 80 Prozent für Lukaschenko war teils nachweislich gefälscht. Tichanowskaja, die den Wahlsieg zunächst für sich reklamiert hat, musste Belarus offenbar unfreiwillig in Richtung Litauen verlassen. Seither ist sie aus dem Exil heraus die wichtigste Leitfigur der organisierten belarussischen demokratischen Opposition.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/belarus-opposition-kolesnikowa-portrait\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"„Als wäre all das Entsetzliche und Absurde um mich herum gar nicht da“\",\"text\":\"

Maria Kolesnikowa ist frei. Im Zuge von Verhandlungen zwischen den USA und dem Lukaschenko-Regime wurden sie und 122 weitere Gefangene freigelassen. Sie war eines der Gesichter der Proteste in Belarus im Jahr 2020, sie wurde verschleppt, festgenommen und schließlich zu elf Jahren Haft verurteilt. Wer ist diese scheinbar unerschrockene Frau? Zerkalo zeichnet ihren Lebensweg nach.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/veronika-zepkalo\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Veronika Zepkalo\",\"text\":\"

Veronika Zepkalo (belarussisch: Veranika Zapkala) ist eine belarussische IT-Managerin und die Ehefrau des Geschäftsmanns Waleri Zepkalo. Dieser wollte bei der Präsidentschaftswahl 2020 als Kandidat antreten. Um einer möglichen Festnahme zu entgehen, floh er nach Russland. Veronika Zepkalo wurde daraufhin zur Unterstützerin der Präsidentschaftskandidatin Swetlana Tichanowskaja und zusammen mit Maria Kolesnikowa zum bekanntesten Gesicht der neuen Oppositionsbewegung. Veronika Zepkalo arbeitet als Managerin für Microsoft.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/belarus-praesidentschaftswahl-opposition-protest\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"„Nur nicht Lukaschenko!“\",\"text\":\"

Egal wer – Hauptsache, nicht Lukaschenko: Derzeit erwacht eine kritische Wählerstimmung in Belarus. Warum ausgerechnet jetzt? Eine Analyse von Dimitri Nawoscha. (Archiv-Text)

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/wahlkommission-des-volkes\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Wahlkommission des Volkes\",\"text\":\"

Das Projekt Wahlkommission des Volkes ist eine Bürgerinitiative, die mit Hilfe unabhängiger Wahlbeobachter Unregelmäßigkeiten bei der Stimmauszählung dokumentiert und diese bei der Zentralen Wahlkommission zur Anzeige bringt. Begonnen in ausgewählten Moskauer Wahlbezirken bei der Dumawahl 2011, weitete die Bürgerinitiative ihr Projekt bei der Dumawahl 2016 auf ganz Russland aus. Das Projekt arbeitet eng mit der weitaus bekannteren Wahlbeobachter-Initiative Golos zusammen.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/shparaga-belarus-opposition-frauen\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"„Wir brauchen keine starken Anführer – wir brauchen eine starke Gesellschaft“\",\"text\":\"

Der Protest in Belarus und sein weibliches Gesicht: Philosophin Olga Shparaga im Interview mit Reformation. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/zentrale-wahlkommission-der-republik-belarus\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Zentrale Wahlkommission der Republik Belarus\",\"text\":\"

ZIK (belaruss. Zentralnaja wybartschaja kamissija Respubliki Belarus) ist die „Zentrale Wahlkommission der Republik Belarus“. Von 1996 bis Dezember 2021 war Lidija Jеrmoschina die Vorsitzende der Wahlkommission. Die Opposition warf ihr schon lange vor, Handlangerin und Organisatorin von Wahlmanipulationen und Wahlfälschungen im Sinne des Machtapparats Lukaschenko zu sein. Jеrmoschina steht auf der Sanktionsliste, die am 2. Oktober 2020 von der EU verabschiedet wurde. Nachfolger von Jermoschina wurde der Funktionär Igor Karpenko.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/omon-belarus\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"OMON Belarus\",\"text\":\"

OMON (Otrjad Mobilny Osobogo Nasnatschenija – dt. „Mobile Einheit besonderer Bestimmung“) umfasst verschiedene Spezialeinheiten der belarussischen Miliz (Polizei). Sie werden vor allem bei Demonstrationen und Massenveranstaltungen herangezogen, aber auch bei Geiselnahmen, Aktionen gegen organisierte Kriminalität oder für den Objektschutz eingesetzt. Während der Proteste im Jahr 2020 ist der OMON zum Symbol für exzessive Gewalt und Repressionen von Seite des belarussischen Staates gegen die Demonstranten geworden.   

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/telegram-kanaele-belarus\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Telegram-Kanäle (Belarus)\",\"text\":\"

Der wegen seiner Verschlüsselungstechnologie beliebte Messenger Telegram spielt eine wichtige Rolle bei den Protesten in Belarus. Unabhängige Medien und Journalisten betreiben dort ihre eigenen Kanäle, da ihre Internetseiten durch das Regime blockiert werden. Zudem gibt es Kanäle zum Informationsaustausch, u. a. auch solche, die private Daten wie Adressen, Telefonnummern etc. von Milizionären, OMON- oder KGB-Mitarbeitern sammeln und verbreiten, die an Festnahmen und Misshandlungen beteiligt waren.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/belarus-protest-festnahmen-folter-augenzeugen\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"„Rundherum lagen Menschen in Blutlachen“\",\"text\":\"

Überall Schläge, Schreie, Wimmern: Znak-Journalist Nikita Telishenko über seine Erfahrung von Folter und Gewaltexzessen bei der belarussischen Polizei.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/nexta\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Nexta\",\"text\":\"

Gemeint ist der belarussische Telegram-Kanal Nexta bzw. Nexta Live (von belaruss. nechta, jemand), der aus Polen betrieben wird. 2018 gestartet, war Nexta Mitte August 2020 mit über zwei Millionen Abonnenten der weltweit zweitgrößte Telegram-Kanal der Rubrik Nachrichten und Massenmedien. Innerhalb weniger Wochen avancierte Nexta zum wichtigsten Informationsmittel der Demonstranten in Belarus.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/minsk-protest-foto-yerchak\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Was war da los? #2\",\"text\":\"

Frauenprotest in Minsk: Wie das ikonische Foto entstanden ist.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/platz-wandel-minsk-belarus-protest\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Der Platz des Wandels\",\"text\":\"

Volksfeststimmung zwischen Plattenbauten: Wie ein Minsker Hinterhof zum Symbol der Hoffnung für ein neues und freies Belarus wurde.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/koordinationsrat-der-belarussischen-opposition\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Koordinationsrat der belarussischen Opposition\",\"text\":\"

Der Koordinationsrat der belarussischen Opposition ist ein am 18. August 2020 in Minsk gegründetes Gremium. Sein Ziel ist die Koordination der Machtübergabe nach dem Ende der Ära Lukaschenko. Zu den 70 Gründungsmitgliedern des Rats gehörtеn unter anderem die Literatur-Nobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexijewitsch (geb. 1948) sowie die führenden Oppositionspolitikerinnen des Landes. Der Rat hat etwa 1000 Mitglieder, seinem Präsidium gehören sieben Personen an. Bis auf Alexijewitsch mussten jedoch alle Mitglieder des Präsidiums das Land verlassen oder sitzen aktuell im Gefängnis.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/swetlana-alexijewitsch-schriftstellerin-belarus\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Bystro #44: Wer ist Swetlana Alexijewitsch?\",\"text\":\"

Am 31. Mai feierte Swetlana Alexijewitsch ihren 75. Geburtstag. Wie wurde die Literaturnobelpreisträgerin zur Schriftstellerin? Welche Bücher gehören zu ihrem Hauptwerk? Mit welchen Themen beschäftigt sie sich in ihrer Literatur? Ein Bystro mit der Slawistin Nina Weller.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/silowiki-belarus\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Silowiki (Belarus)\",\"text\":\"

Ähnlich wie in Russland, bezeichnet der Sammelbegriff Silowiki auch in Belarus Amtspersonen aus Sicherheitsorganen des Staates. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/belarus-bssr-gegenwart-analyse\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Nächster Halt: BSSR 2.0\",\"text\":\"

Verleiht Alexander Lukaschenko seinem autoritären System immer mehr ein sowjetisches und totalitäres Antlitz? Darauf deutet vor allem die Radikalisierung des Machtapparats seit 2020 hin. Igor Lenkewitsch analysiert die machtstrukturelle Verpuppung. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/belarus-diaspora-migration-geschichte\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Die belarussische Diaspora: Erneuerte Solidarität\",\"text\":\"

Über Jahrhunderte hat sich in zahlreichen Ländern eine belarussische Diaspora herausgebildet. Auch mit dem Krieg in der Ukraine sind auch viele Belarussen, die sich in Kiew oder anderen ukrainischen Städten etwas neu aufgebaut hatten, wieder auf der Flucht. Die ersten Auswanderungswellen aus dem belarussischen Kulturraum gab es bereits zu Zeiten des Großfürstentums Litauen. Seither haben politische Wirren, Kriege, autokratische Herrschaften, aber auch wirtschaftliche Notzeiten zu weiteren Migrationsbewegungen geführt. Dass Zehntausende  nach dem politischen Krisenjahr von 2020 ihr Land verlassen haben, ist in der Geschichte des unabhängigen Belarus bisher beispiellos. Das gab der Diaspora als politische Kraft völlig neuen Auftrieb. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/vereinigtes-uebergangskabinett-von-belarus\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Vereinigtes Übergangskabinett von Belarus\",\"text\":\"

Das Vereinigte Übergangskabinett von Belarus ist ein im August 2022 von Oppositionspolitikerin Swetlana Tichanowskaja ins Leben gerufene Gremium, das sich als eine Art Exilregierung begreift. Das Kabinett besteht aus Vertretern der demokratischen Bewegung, Wirtschaft und Sicherheitsstrukturen. Wenige Wochen nach der Gründung erklärten es die belarussischen Behörden zu einer sogenannten „extremistischen Einheit“.

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