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Об «исторической России» Путин в последние годы говорит заметно чаще, чем о «русском мире», хотя на Западе о ней слышали меньше. Но скрытый в этом словосочетании потенциал пропагандистского оправдания дальнейшей эскалации войны и ее распространения на Европу значительно выше.

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27 февраля 2014 года вооруженные бойцы спецназа РФ, одетые в форму без знаков различия, заняли здание парламента в Симферополе. Председатель совета министров Автономной республики Крым Анатолий Могилев был смещен и заменен депутатом Сергеем Аксеновым из небольшой пророссийской партии «Русское единство».  Этому предшествовали месяцы протестов на Евромайдане в Киеве и других городах Украины: люди выступали за […]

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Что пообещали друг другу НАТО и Россия? «Взаимоотношения, сотрудничество и безопасность между Российской Федерацией и Организацией североатлантического договора» — это предмет Основополагающего акта Россия – НАТО. Он был подписан 27 мая 1997 года в Париже главами государств и правительств стран-членов НАТО, генеральным секретарем организации Хавьером Соланой и президентом России Борисом Ельциным. С точки зрения международного […]

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The West as the enemy of Russia: where did this narrative originate? Hostility towards the West and towards Europe, in particular, has very deep roots in Russia, which reach back to the Middle Ages and are bound up with religious convictions. The origins of the debates shaping Russian public opinion more recently, though, lie in […]

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Почему миф об «одном народе и общей колыбели» так важен для путинского государства?  В модерной парадигме народы ведут отсчет своей истории не от истоков своей государственности, а от начал нации. Нация древнее своих институтов, они — производное по отношению к ней. Государство тоже возникает на более поздней стадии самоорганизации нации; нация первична. Институт нации потеснил в Новое […]

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Ende 2021 veröffentlichte Moskau seinen Entwurf für einen Vertrag über sogenannte „Sicherheitsgarantien“. Er gilt bis heute als „Maximal-Programm“ der russischen Außenpolitik gegenüber NATO und Westen. Dekoder-Redakteur Dmitry Kartsev entschlüsselt, welche Geschichtserzählung dahinterstecken.

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How did Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea unfold? On 27 February 2014, Russian special forces, who were armed and wore no identifying insignia, occupied the parliamentary building in the capital city of Simferopol. The legitimate prime minister of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Anatolii Mohyliov, was removed from office and replaced by Sergey Aksyonov a […]

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Where is the basis for relations between Russia and NATO defined?  “Mutual relations, cooperation and security between NATO and the Russian Federation” are the subject-matter of the NATO–Russia Founding Act, which was signed in Paris on 27 May 1997 by the heads of states and governments of the NATO member countries, NATO Secretary General Javier Solana and Russian President Boris Yeltsin. It […]

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How do Putin & Co. use the terms “Russian World” and “historical Russia”?  The term Russkiy mir (Eng. Russian World) first began to crop up in the speeches of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev in the first decade of the 21st century. The concept had been developed earlier, although the Kremlin leaders first used it […]

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Mit dem Mythos, die Krym sei schon immer russisch gewesen, will Putins Russland seine Annexion der ukrainischen Halbinsel 2014 rechtfertigen. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo umreißt die historischen Entwicklungen, die Russlands Krym-Erzählung verschweigt.

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Das Konzept istoritscheskaja Rossija (dt: historisches Russland) ist im Westen wenig bekannt, gleichwohl hat es eine lange Begriffsgeschichte und wird von Putin und der Kremlpropaganda seit Jahren immer häufiger benutzt.

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Russia was using historical narratives to justify subjugation and aggression in its “near abroad” even before it annexed Crimea in 2014. History has also been conscripted as an aid-de-camp in Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine and confrontation with the West, with stories that keep finding audiences, both in- and outside of Russia, that are ready, even eager to believe.
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Moscow describes “Ancient Rus” as the cradle of the “Russian people”, the origin of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation of the present day. In doing so, it is using well over a millennium’s worth of history to construct a narrative aimed at justifying the use of hybrid measures to influence other states and even a destructive war against neighbouring states. Historian Andrey Doronin takes a deep dive into the historical underpinnings of this Russian myth and explains how the understandings of the non-Russian Rus differ from the myth that Moscow tells.

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Russlands Mythos von der bedrohlichen NATO verschweigt, dass der Kreml selbst über Jahrzehnte an einer Annäherung zur NATO gearbeitet hat, zeitweise gar Mitglied werden wollte. So entstand 1997 die NATO-Russland-Grundakte, die offiziell bis heute gilt. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo skizziert ihre Entstehung und Bedeutung.

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Переписка журналиста Андрея Архангельского и историка Сергея Медведева — о паттернах российского исторического мышления.

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Andrei Arkhangelsky:  I thought we could start with personal thought patterns, the kind we are not even aware of or only become aware of as we grow older. The ones that demand that we do some hard work on ourselves.   We were both born in what was still the Soviet era – in its complacent years under Brezhnev (also known as the era of stagnation). This was in the late 1960s, early 1970s. What were those first ideas I had about my country and the […]

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Moskau beschreibt die Alte Rus als Wiege eines „russischen Volkes“, zu dem angeblich Russen, Belarussen und Ukrainer gehören. Damit nutzt es die jahrtausendealte Geschichte, die sich geografisch deutlich weiter westlich abspielte, und konstruiert ein Narrativ, das hybride Einflussnahme und sogar einen zerstörerischen Krieg gegen Nachbarstaaten rechtfertigen soll. Der Historiker Andrej Doronin geht dem russischen Mythos vom „einigen Volk“ auf den tiefen geschichtlichen Grund und erläutert, wie sich die Verständnisse der nicht-russländischen rus vom Moskauer Mythos unterscheiden.

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Вплоть до полномасштабной войны в Украине растущую зависимость от российского газа в Германии часто оправдывали тем, что Москва всегда была надежным поставщиком топлива по низким ценам. Игнорируя то, что подоплека действий Кремля из экономической давно стала политической. Когда это произошло и к каким привело последствиям?

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Dieser Beitrag ist ein Teil unseres Projekts „Russlands Geschichtsmythen entlarvt“. Mehr Narrative dekodieren Andrej Archangelski: Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen.  Wir sind beide noch in der Sowjetzeit geboren – […]

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Глава 1. Красный газ У каждой истории есть отправной пункт. У нашей он расположен там, где, кажется, ничего не напоминает о газе или международной торговле энергоносителями — в Лайцхалле. Это главный концертный зал Гамбурга — «вольного и ганзейского города», как он именуется официально. 6 июня 1967 года туда стекаются сотни людей. Парковка перед зданием — […]

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dekoder feiert 10. Geburtstag! Schenk uns – und dir – weitere Jahre geballte dekoder-Energie!

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Bis zum Beginn des vollumfänglichen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, wurde die wachsende Abhängigkeit von russischem Gas in Deutschland häufig damit gerechtfertigt, Moskau habe doch stets zuverlässig geliefert. Ein Blick auf die Details zeigt ein anderes Bild.

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Eine Reise in die Zeit, als mehrere tausend Kilometer lange Pipelines gebaut wurden – und man noch glaubte, mit Gashandel Völker verbinden und diplomatische Spannungen überbrücken zu können.

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hallo ABC

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1. Wie die Illusion von Wahrheit erzeugt wird Gegen 5 Uhr morgens am 24. Februar 2022 beginnen die russischen Truppen einen großflächigen Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Die Invasion rückt rasch über vier Achsen voran: auf Kyjiw und Charkiw, auf den Donbass und auf den Süden der Ukraine aus Richtung der Halbinsel Krim. Gleichzeitig verübt Russland […]

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In ihrer Kurzgeschichte aus dem Jahr 2014 erkundet die belarussische Autorin Mariya Lappo die trügerischen Vorzüge eines Lebens in Abschottung. In unserem Literatur-Special präsentieren wir den Text erstmals auf Deutsch.

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Большинство расхожих объяснений происхождения словосочетания «Белая Русь» не имеет под собой научной основы. Откуда оно взялось на самом деле и как стало именем государства, рассказывает беларуский историк Виктор Шадурский.

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Geboren in Charkiw, aufgewachsen in Horliwka im Donbas. Als Kind schrieb Julja Danylowa Artikel für die Kinderzeitung Skrepka (dt. Büroklammer). 2014 musste sie mit 18 Jahren vor der russischen Invasion ihre Heimatregion verlassen. Sie zog nach Charkiw und machte dort 2018 ihren Abschluss an der Kulturakademie Charkiw.  Seitdem arbeitet sie hauptsächlich mit Drucken, Comics und […]

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Geboren 1975 im Ural, lebt seit 2010 in Charkiw (Ukraine).   Oleg Michajlow ist Autor und Dramaturg – ausgebildeter Schauspieler, arbeitete als Radiomoderator, schreibt seit 2005 Theaterstücke und ist bei Theaterfestivals in Kyjiw, Charkiw und Kramatorsk vertreten.  Seine Stücke werden in der Ukraine beispielsweise am Kyjiwer Akademischen Theater Soloti Worota (dt. Goldenes Tor), dem Charkiwer Staatlichen […]

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I Der Riese kam immer nachts. Wenn die Wintersonne unwillig aus dem kühlen Meer kroch und die Stadt erhellte, mussten ihre Einwohner feststellen, dass der Riese auch in dieser Nacht mehrere Häuser zerstört hatte. Die Einwohner liebten ihre Stadt sehr, darum war es kein Wunder, dass sie bitterlich weinten, wenn sie jeden Morgen wieder neue […]

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„Ein neues Märchen. Ich schreibe immer düsterer, also … ein Märchen über die Angst.“   Mit diesen Worten veröffentlichte der Charkiwer Dramaturg und Kinderbuchautor Oleg Michajlow im Dezember 2023 die Geschichte von dem Jungen Petja, der sich mit einem Plüsch-Hahn, einer Rennmaus und einem Hauskater anschickt, den bösen Riesen zu erlegen, der seine Familie und sein […]

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Ein Kapitel des deutschen Vernichtungsfeldzugs gegen die Sowjetunion, das oft übersehen wird, ist die Politik der „verbrannten Dörfer“ in Belarus. Die NS-Besatzer zerstörten im ganzen Land über 9.000 Dörfer – viele davon wurden für immer ausgelöscht.

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Die Slawistin Nina Weller über die Entstehung und Rezeption des Buches Feuerdörfer, das Literatur und Erinnerungskultur gleichermaßen veränderte.

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Das Buch Feuerdörfer von Ales Adamowitsch, Janka Bryl und Uladsimir Kalesnik ist über Generationen hinweg zu einem der prägendsten Werke der belarussischen Literatur geworden. Wir haben zeitgenössische Autorinnen, Schriftsteller und Lyrikerinnen aus Belarus gefragt, welche Bedeutung das Buch für sie hat.  

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Der Übersetzer Thomas Weiler hat das Buch Feuerdörfer, 50 Jahre nach der Erstveröffentlichung, erstmals aus dem Belarussischen ins Deutsche übertragen. Wir präsentieren einen Auszug aus seiner Übersetzung.

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Nach 50 Jahren erscheint Feuerdörfer erstmals auf Deutsch. Das Buch über die Wehrmachtsverbrechen in Belarus erschütterte die sowjetische Gesellschaft – ein Special, unter anderem mit der Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexijewitsch.

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Krieg gegen die Ukraine, Corona-Pandemie, internationaler Haftbefehl: Unsere Daten zeigen, wie sich die Auslandsreisen des russischen Präsidenten zwischen 2000 und 2024 verändert haben.

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Seit zwei Jahren reist der Fotograf Ludwig Nikulski immer wieder an die Grenzen der Ukraine. Mit seiner Kamera beobachtet er, wie der Krieg das Grenzland verändert, das diesen Krieg vom Rest Europas trennt.

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„Die Wand muss durchbrochen werden! Aber wie, wie durchbricht man sie?“ In der Kurzgeschichte Der Elefant aus dem Jahr 1985 erzählt der belarussische Schriftsteller Adam Hlobus vom Hunger der sowjetischen Jugend nach Freiheit und Nonkonformismus. Tina Wünschmann hat die Geschichte für unser Special erstmals ins Deutsche übersetzt.

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An einem bewölkten Augusttag 2016 taucht am Pirogowskaja Ufer in Sankt Petersburg ein Banner mit der Aufschrift „Ihr kreuzigt die Freiheit, doch die menschliche Seele kennt keine Fesseln“ auf. Ein Déjà Vu für Putin, falls er es gesehen hat: Vierzig Jahre zuvor hatte er als junger KGB-Offizier die Entfernung eben jener Inschrift veranlasst – damals […]

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Knete, Drucker, Kleidung – russischen Streetartists ist jedes Mittel recht, um ihre Botschaften zu verbreiten. Ihr Protest ist eindrücklich – und ungeahnt kreativ.

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Russische Streetart gegen den Krieg – Von Alleinkämpfern, einer transregionalen feministischen Bewegung und alltäglichen Widerstandspraktiken.

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Erinnerungen, Traumata, ein aufziehender Bürgerkrieg: Darum geht es in dem Roman Libido des belarussischen Schriftstellers Illja Sin, der 2018 erschien. Wir präsentieren Auszüge aus der ausgezeichneten Antiutopie.

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84 года назад завершилась советско-финляндская война. Поначалу полномасштабную агрессию России против Украины часто сравнивали именно с ней. Но эта война закончилась всего за три с лишним месяца.

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Die Erzählung Die Feldlerche von Zjotka stammt aus dem Jahr 1914. Sie ist von der Idee geprägt, dass man sie an einem kalten Winterabend mit der ganzen Familie lesen kann, und dabei nicht nur Belarus, sondern auch Natur und Dorfleben besser kennenlernt.

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Krieg, Repressionen, Flucht und Exil: Rückblick auf ein düsteres Jahr 2023 in Bildern und Texten aus Russland, Belarus und der Ukraine

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1. The illusion of truth In the early hours of 24 February 2022, Russian troops began a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, crossing the border and then heading at speed in the direction of Kyiv and Kharkiv, through Donbas and southern Ukraine towards Crimea, all the while launching missile strikes at targets across the country. News […]

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Viele Russinnen und Russen unterstützen den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Propaganda spielt dabei eine Schlüsselrolle. Wir haben mehr als drei Millionen Artikel der wichtigsten propagandistischen Nachrichtenagentur Russlands analysiert und daraus die Muster herausgelesen, nach denen Propaganda funktioniert.

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Как пропаганда заставила миллионы россиян поверить в то, что война — самый верный путь к миру. Дата-исследование «Новой газеты Европа» и декодера.

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В сети пропаганды В 1999 году BBC выпустила на восьми тогда еще VHS-кассетах проект на русском языке о том, как делать телевидение. В последней части Владимир Познер разговаривает с известными в то время тележурналистами о профессиональной этике – что нужно, а что нельзя рассказывать людям? Можно ли с благими намерениями скрывать значимую информацию? Обязательно ли […]

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Что россияне думаю о войне против Украины? Многое говорит о том, что россияне в большинстве своем не хотели этой войны. Тем не менее, опросы и социологические эксперименты показывают, что после начала вторжения как минимум половина населения поддерживает как Путина, так и действия российской армии. По опросам Левады-Центра начиная с февраля 2022 – от 68 до […]

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Wie funktioniert russische Propaganda? Welche Narrative werden verbreitet? Und wie schafft man damit hohe Zustimmungswerte für Putin und den Krieg gegen die Ukraine? Ergebnisse einer Daten-Recherche von dekoder, Novaya Gazeta Europe und Süddeutscher Zeitung.

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У сваім эсэ беларускі пісьменнік Адам Свіргул тлумачыць, наколькі адкрыцці Курапатаў сфармавалі яго пакаленне і чаму ён лічыць памяць аб злачынствах сталінскага тэрору ключом да будучыні Беларусі.

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In seinem Essay erzählt der belarussische Autor Adam Swirgul, wie sehr die Entdeckungen von Kurapaty seine Generation prägten und warum er das Gedenken an die dortigen Verbrechen des Stalinschen Terrors für einen Schlüssel zur Zukunft von Belarus hält.

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Was wissen wir zu den Verbrechen, die in Kurapaty begangen wurden, und was nicht? Der Historiker Igor Kusnetzow über den schwierigen Weg der historischen Wahrheitsfindung zu einem der zentralen Orte des Stalinschen Terrors in Belarus.

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Dieser Artikel zu den Massengräbern in Kurapaty aus dem Jahr 1988 veränderte die belarussische Geschichte und Gesellschaft. Wir bringen den Artikel in einer vollständigen Neuübersetzung von Tina Wünschmann aus dem Belarussischen.

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Kurapaty ist ein Wendepunkt in der jüngeren belarussischen Geschichte. Als die Entdeckung von Massengräbern am nordwestlichen Rand der belarussischen Hauptstadt Minsk im Jahr 1988 bekannt wurde, ging ein Aufschrei durch die Gesellschaft. Wie konnte es passieren, dass Zehntausende Belarussen unter Stalin ermordet wurden? Warum wurde so lange über das Thema geschwiegen?

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Kapitel 1. Das rote Gas Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat. Duis aute irure dolor in reprehenderit in voluptate velit esse cillum dolore eu fugiat […]

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Was muss passieren, damit Russland nicht noch einmal die Chance auf eine demokratische Entwicklung verspielt? Aus dem Gefängnis heraus hat Alexej Nawalny eine Debatte darüber angestoßen, welche Lehren aus den Fehlern der 1990er Jahre gezogen werden müssen. dekoder stellt die interessantesten Beiträge vor.

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Das totalitäre Erbe kann nur überwunden werden, wenn die Schuldigen benannt und zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden, schreibt Wladimir Kara-Mursa.

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Alexej Nawalny warnt davor, noch einmal demokratische Prinzipien zugunsten pragmatischer Lösungen aufzugeben.

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Es ist zu leicht, alle Schuld auf Putin und seine Beamten abzuwälzen: Auch die russische Gesellschaft muss sich unbequeme Fragen stellen, meint Maxim Trudoljubow auf Meduza.

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О проекте «Мы хотим быть свободными людьми», — под этим лозунгом 17 июня 1953 года больше миллиона жителей ГДР вышло на улицы в первом из серии выступлений против коммунистической диктатуры в Восточной Европе. Потребовалось больше трех десятилетий, чтобы после кровавого подавления восстания немцы и вместе с ними все восточные европейцы добились свободы. С этого момента […]

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Как Майдан подготовил украинское общество к борьбе против российской агрессии

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Ад пачатку агрэсіўнай фазы вайны Расіі ва Украіне, у якой Беларусь адыгрывае сваю катастрафічную ролю, пісьменьнік і паэт Альгерд Бахарэвіч апынуўся ва ўладзе балючага ўнутранага канфлікту.

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Mehrere Tausende Söldner, mit Panzern und Artillerie ausgerüstet, besetzen die Millionenstadt Rostow am Don und marschieren gen Moskau. Eine Chronologie der Ereignisse und Hintergründe zum Militär-Aufstand der Wagner-Truppen am 23. und 24. Juni.

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Wie die Protestgeschichte der Ukraine zum Widerstand gegen den russischen Angriffskrieg beiträgt

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Mit dem Ende der Diktaturen in Osteuropa glaubten viele, das demokratische Zeitalter breche an. Die Autokratien wurden jedoch zahlreicher und repressiver, heute kämpfen Millionen für ihre Freiheit. Manche gewinnen, die anderen scheitern. Können Freiheitsbewegungen voneinander lernen?

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Als Belarus mit dem Ende der Sowjetunion im Jahr 1991 die Unabhängigkeit erlangte, forcierte sich auch die Suche nach einer nationalen Identität und einer eigenen Geschichtsschreibung. Abseits sowjetischer Narrative und Doktrine. In dieser Zeit des Aufbruchs wurde das Großfürstentum Litauen sozusagen einer der Dreh- und Angelpunkte dieser Suche. In seinem Beitrag beschreibt der belarussische Philosoph Ihar Babkou die Rolle des Großfürstentums für die damaligen Hoffnungen und Sehnsüchte der Belarussen.

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Die Schlacht bei Orscha im Jahr 1514 ist eines der bedeutenden Ereignisse für das Großfürstentum Litauen. Ein Ereignis, das bis heute Fragen aufwirft und auch prägend für die nationale Identität der Belarussen ist. Hienadź Sahanovič, als Historiker einer der Experten für diese kriegerische Auseinandersetzung, erklärt die Hintergründe der Schlacht, ihre politischen Folgen und ihre Bedeutung für die Gegenwart.

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Polen und Belarus teilen eine über Jahrhunderte verbundene Geschichte. Vor allem durch die gemeinsame Zugehörigkeit zum Großfürstentum Litauen und zur polnisch-litauischen Adelsrepublik. Es ist eine Geschichte, die nicht immer unproblematisch war und sich seit 1991 mitunter auf die Beziehungen zwischen beiden Ländern auswirkt. Diese beleuchtet der polnische Politologe Kamil Kłysiński in seinem Beitrag.

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Die Litauer waren eine der ersten Nationen, die sich mit den belarussischen Protesten im Jahr 2020 solidarisierten. Als tausende Belarussen im Zuge der Repressionen aus ihrem Land flüchten mussten, nahm Litauen diese Flüchtlinge aus dem Nachbarland bereitwillig auf. Die gemeinsame Geschichte, die das baltische Land mit Belarus teilt, geht vor allem auf die Zeit des Großfürstentums zurück. Der Historiker und Politologe Andrzej Pukszto erörtert in seinem Beitrag die Herausforderungen dieser Vergangenheit für die litauisch-belarussischen Beziehungen.

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Das Großfürstentum Litauen war einer der größten Staaten der Erde. Er erstreckte sich von der Ostsee bis zum Schwarzen Meer. Die multikulturelle und in vielfacher Hinsicht grenzüberwindende Faszination dieses Herrschaftsgebietes hat auch die polnische Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Olga Tokarczuk zu ihrem opus magnum „Die Jakobsbücher“ inspiriert. 

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Как церковь, пострадавшая от советского авторитаризма, стала провозвестницей российского

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Кто стоял у истоков российского антиамериканизма

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Почему чекисты пережили демократизацию без особых для себя потерь

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Что помешало России стать настоящей федерацией — и к чему это привело

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Как в девяностые сложились все условия для авторитарного поворота

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О проекте 24 февраля 2022 года для многих стало днем, когда «история вернулась»: решения политиков и военных вновь определяют судьбы стран и народов на десятилетия вперед, а сама путинская агрессия против Украины служит страшным напоминанием о завоевательных войнах XIX и XX веков. «Конец истории» был провозглашен американским философом Фрэнсисом Фукуямой в начале 1990-х, когда он […]

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Wie eine Kirche, die unter dem sowjetischen Autoritarismus gelitten hatte, zum Vorboten der russischen Autokratie wurde

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Warum niemand Erbe des „wilden Jahrzehnts“ sein will

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Wie die „Amerikanisierung Russlands“ in Antiamerikanismus umschlug

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Wie Russland in den 1990er Jahren Grundlagen für die autoritäre Wende schuf

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Warum der Föderalismus zum unvollendeten Projekt wurde und Sollbruchstellen in Putins Machtvertikale systemisch sind

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Wie die Tschekisten die Demokratisierung überstanden

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Die russische Aggression gegen die Ukraine ist auch eine Folge der autoritären Wende Russlands unter Putin. Wie hat er aber seine sogenannte Machtvertikale überhaupt aufbauen können? War es wirklich ein Bruch mit den 1990er Jahren, die heute vielerorts als eine „Zeit der Freiheit“ gelten? dekoder hat sechs Wissenschaftler gebeten, Essays über dieses Jahrzehnt zu verfassen: über das „Ende der Geschichte“, und deren Anfang.

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Seit gut einem Jahr führt Russland Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Das bedeutet auch den (zum Teil unwiederbringlichen) Verlust kultureller Güter. Museen wurden in Mitleidenschaft gezogen, Bibliotheken zerstört, ukrainische Kunstschätze geraubt und nach Russland gebracht. Warum auch Kulturgüter zu den Zielen der russischen Angriffe gehören und wie schwer die Schäden wiegen, das beleuchtet das aktuelle FAQ #10.

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Das ultimative Belarus-Quiz: Seit 2020 entschlüsselt dekoder auch Belarus. Es wird Zeit, Dein erworbenes Wissen zu testen.

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„Es ist alles nicht so eindeutig“ – das ist eine der häufigsten Phrasen in Russland, wenn es um den russischen Angriffskrieg in der Ukraine geht. Vier Wissenschaftlerinnen beschreiben Propaganda-Narrative und die Manipulation von Fakten in russischen Medien und erklären, warum dem so viele Glauben schenken.

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Es sollte eine rasche Militäroperation werden. Daraus wurde jedoch ein großflächiger, verlustreicher Abnutzungskrieg: Historiker Michael Jonas über den finnisch-sowjetischen Winterkrieg 1939/40.

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Die Kriegsfront hat sich auch in die Welt der Zeichen und Symbole verlagert – in Russland wie in der Ukraine. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger stellen Symbole, Zeichen und Begriffe der ukrainischen Subversion und Gegenwehr vor.

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Eine belarussische Weihnachtsgeschichte von Lavon Volski.

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Калядная казка ад Лявона Вольскага

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Die russische Gesellschaft scheint immer noch geeint hinter Putin zu stehen. Sollten nicht spätestens seit der Mobilmachung starke Zweifel am Krieg und an der politischen Führung aufkommen? Seit dem Rückzug aus Cherson? Kann die Stimmung kippen, wenn nicht in der Bevölkerung, dann vielleicht unter den Eliten?

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Leben im Umbruch – (post)sowjetische Tagebücher aus dem Winter 1991/92

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Переводчики дают книгам и текстам новую жизнь в новых языках. Довольно обидно, когда люди ведут себя так, будто бы переводчиков не существует в природе, словно все они — невидимки. Как и где можно заметить работу переводчицы — рассказывает Лариса Шиппель с точки зрения науки о переводе.

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Подробный разбор перевода — большая редкость в практике перевода журналистики. Анна Шибарова предприняла такую попытку и открывает в своем метатексте новые слои оригинала и перевода.

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Мем с кошечками завирусился в русскоязычном интернете. А можно перевести игру слов? Ирина Знаменская задала этот вопрос в фейсбуке. Саша Харитонский написал об этом пост, а Дженни Зейц перевела его на немецкий. Дополнение Александры Берлиной отвечает на вопрос: Что такое мемы?

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Что увидит переводчик, если заглянет сам себе через плечо? Какие вопросы он себе задаст? С кем поведет внутренний диалог? Хартмут Шрёдер прибегнул в процессе перевода к старому культурному приему, а именно к ведению дневника – и предоставил нам результат.

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Рут Альтенхофер изучает собственные переводы интервью для dekoder, обнажая свои приемы и цели: «Создать у читателей и читательниц dekoder, даже не понимающих по-русски, ощущение, что они присутствуют при разговоре»

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Что такое перевод журналистики? Где им занимаются? В большинстве СМИ переводят лишь изредка, отдельные материалы — а для dekoder это несущая идея, его насущный хлеб. И как же это устроено в реальности? И что об этом думают переводчики и переводчицы, редакторки и редакторы?

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Политкорректность не стала нормой в русском языке. Что же делать, если при переводе текста приходится об этом задумываться? Сделать вид, что проблемы нет? И тем самым, в сущности, отказать в переводе автору или его героям? Нет, это не выход, говорит Мария Райер, которая выступает за прозрачность и право голоса для всех.

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Какие сложности мы преодолеваем, переводя журналистские тексты? Какие из них связаны с конкретным текстом, а какие встречаются постоянно, меняя только образ/текст/текстуру? Хенриетте Рейснер предложила несколько тезисов, которые мы обсудили в нашей мастерской Neustart.

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Как задумывался этот спецпроект и что за ним стоит.

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На что способны эссе? Как они устроены? На что нужно обращать внимание, чтобы они не проигрывали в переводе? Анья Шлоссбергер-Оберхаммер о переводе журналисткого жанра, столько важного для неспокойных времен именно тем, что он никого не пытается переубедить.

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Журналистские тексты меняются со временем и в зависимости от того, где, как и в каком контексте они публикуются. Репортажи «Новой газеты» здесь не исключение. Как эти изменения проявляются в переводе? Ирина Бондас отправляется в путешествие между текстами, временами и языками.

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How the special took shape and what lies behind it

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What does journalistic translation involve and where does it happen? Whereas most media outlets only occasionally have a piece translated, translation is fundamental to the entire concept of dekoder. How does something like that work? And what does it mean for translators and editors?

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The Russian language is not, in the narrower meaning of the term, politically correct. What does a translator do when faced with such aspects in a text? Pretend they aren’t there? And perhaps, by doing so, do an injustice to the authors and protagonists? That is certainly not the answer, says Maria Rajer, who calls for transparency and self-empowerment in translation work.

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Ruth Altenhofer observed herself translating interviews for dekoder in order to figure out just what it is she is doing when she translates. And she concluded: “I make sure that dekoder readers who cannot understand Russian feel like they are sitting right there at the table during the conversation.” Here, she tells us how.

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The close-reading of a translation is not often done with journalistic translations. Together with her students, Anna Shibarova did just that – and her metatext opens up new layers of a text and its translation.

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It is thanks to translators that there are texts in languages and cultures that they did not originate in. So it is annoying when people behave as though translators don’t exist, as sometimes happens. But where can and should translators be visible? Larissa Schippel addresses the question from a translation theory perspective.

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If a translator looks over his own shoulder as he translates, what does he see? What does he ask himself? And with whom does he argue? Hartmut Schröder adopted a venerable cultural technique while working on a translation: journal-keeping. And then he let us have it.

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A cat meme goes viral on the Russian-language Internet. On Facebook, university lecturer Irina Znamenskaya asked – how can the language-based joke be translated? Sasha Kharitonski responded in a post which Zachary King translated into English. Alexandra Berlina’s addendum seeks to answer the question: What are memes, actually?

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Journalistic texts change over time and with the setting, manner and context in which they appear. Novaya Gazeta’s reportage is an example. How is this manifest during translation? Irina Bondas sets out on a path through texts, times and languages.

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What challenges do we encounter when translating journalistic texts – which of these are text-specific, and which crop up repeatedly, just in different garb. Henriette Reisner on topics discussed in our Neustart workshop.

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Alexandra Berlina on asterisks, figs in the pocket and other forms of protest, as well as the difficult question of how to translate signals and anti-war symbolism.

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Die 1990er Jahre waren revolutionär für die belarussische Musik: Eine Zeit der mutigen Experimente und die Geburtsstunde eines echten, gesunden belarussischen Showbusiness. Eine Hommage von Nasha Niva.

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Rebellion durch Sprache: In der Kultur der Rock- und Alternativmusik nimmt das Belarussische seit den 1980er Jahren eine bedeutende Stellung ein. Wir haben einige belarussische Kulturpersönlichkeiten befragt, wie sie zum Belarussischen gekommen sind und warum sie die Sprache für ihre Musik oder ihre Arbeit zu verwenden begannen.

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Aus dem digitalen Fotoarchiv der Musik-Zeitung, das mit dem Aufkommen erschwinglicher Digitalkameras um das Jahr 2000 seinen Anfang nahm, zeigen wir eine Auswahl an Fotos aus jener Zeit, in der die belarussische Rockmusik tonangebend und stilprägend war.

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Zs und Vs auf Autos, Panzern und öffentlichen Plätzen – der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine wird auch auf Ebene der Codes, Symbole und Zeichen geführt. Doch derer bedient sich nicht nur die russische Propaganda, sondern auch die Protestbewegung in Russland. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger mit einer Momentaufnahme dieser coded language und ausgewählten Beispielen – in Wort und Bild.

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Der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine ist auch ein Krieg der Symbole. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger zeigen ausgewählte Beispiele – in Wort und Bild.

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Journalistische Texte verändern sich über die Zeit und in Abhängigkeit davon, wo und wie und in welchem Kontext sie erscheinen. Die Reportagen der Novaya Gazeta sind ein Beispiel dafür Wie macht sich das beim Übersetzen bemerkbar? Irina Bondas begibt sich auf den Weg zwischen Texte, Zeiten und Sprachen.

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Was heißt journalistisches Übersetzen und wo findet es statt? Während in den meisten Medien oft nur einzelne Beiträge übersetzt werden, ist das Übersetzen bei dekoder ein tragender Teil des Konzepts. Wie funktioniert so etwas? Und was bedeutet das für Übersetzer:innen und Redakteur:innen?

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zwischen Kultur, Politik und Ästhetik

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Dank Übersetzern gibt es Texte in jeweils anderen Sprachen und Kulturen. Da ist es ärgerlich, wenn manche so tun, als gäbe es sie nicht. An welchen Stellen also können und sollten die Übersetzer:innen sichtbar werden? Das beleuchtet Larisa Schippel aus übersetzungswissenschaftlicher Perspektive.

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Welchen Herausforderungen begegnen wir beim Übersetzen journalistischer Texte – was davon ist spezifisch und was begegnet uns immer wieder, nur in unterschiedlichen Kleidern/Texten/in unterschiedlicher Textur? Henriette Reisner mit Thesen, die wir im Neustart-Workshop diskutierten.

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Alexandra Berlina über Sternchen, Hosentaschenfeigen und andere Protestformen sowie die schwierige Frage: Wie übersetzt man Zeichen und Antikriegssymbolik?

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Ein Kätzchen-Meme geht viral im russischsprachigen Internet. Wie kann man den Sprachwitz übersetzen?, fragte die Dozentin Irina Snamenskaja auf Facebook. In einem Post hat sich Sascha Charitonski dazu Gedanken gemacht, Jennie Seitz hat ihn ins Deutsche übersetzt. Alexandra Berlina fragt im Nachtrag: Was sind eigentlich Memes?

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Ruth Altenhofer beobachtet ihre eigenen Interview-Übersetzungen für dekoder und kommt dabei ihrem Tun auf die Schliche: „Ich sorge dafür, dass dekoder-LeserInnen, die kein Russisch verstehen, das Gefühl haben, mit am Tisch zu sitzen.“ Hier beschreibt sie, wie sie das macht.

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Wenn ein Übersetzer sich selbst über die Schulter und auf die Finger schaut, was sieht er da? Welche Fragen stellt er sich? Und mit wem diskutiert er? Hartmut Schröder hat während einer Übersetzung zu einer alten Kulturtechnik gegriffen, nämlich Tagebuch geschrieben – und es uns überlassen.

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Close-Reading einer Übersetzung – das kommt im journalistischen Übersetzen nicht oft vor. Anna Shibarowa tat es und eröffnet durch ihren Metatext neue Schichten eines Textes und seiner Übersetzung.

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Was können Essays? Und wie machen sie das? Und was muss man beim Übersetzen beachten, damit sie es in der anderen Sprache auch noch tun? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer über das Übersetzen einer journalistischen Form, die in unruhigen Zeiten wichtig ist, weil sie nicht überzeugen will.

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Politisch korrekt im engeren Sinne ist die russische Sprache nicht. Was macht eine Übersetzerin, die mit solchen Aspekten im Text konfrontiert ist? So tun, als wäre nichts? Und damit Autoren und Protagonisten womöglich nicht gerecht werden? Das ist bestimmt keine Lösung, so Maria Rajer, die für Transparenz und Selbstermächtigung beim Übersetzen plädiert.

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Wie das Special entstanden ist und was dahinter steckt.

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Russlands Präsident Wladimir Putin eskaliert den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. In den russisch besetzten Teilen der Ukraine sind vermeintliche „Referenden“ über einen Beitritt zu Russland angekündigt. Warum das keine echten Referenden sind und inwiefern das Vorgehen Teil der russischen Kriegsführung ist – das erklären die Wissenschaftlerinnen Cindy Wittke und Gwendolyn Sasse.

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Das Kernkraftwerk Saporishshja – das leistungsstärkste AKW in Europa – liegt im Kriegsgebiet in der Ukraine. Es ist von der russischen Armee besetzt, so etwas hat es bisher nicht gegeben. Wie groß ist die Gefahr für einen Reaktorunfall? Kann es ein zweites Tschernobyl geben?

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Беларуская міфалогія

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беларуская мифология

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Seit dem 24. Februar 2022 führt Russland einen offenen Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine. Wie rechtfertigt Putin diesen Krieg? Wie leistet die Ukraine Widerstand? Und wo liegen die Chancen der Diplomatie? Dazu schreiben Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler in unserem FAQ

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«Украина переживет эту войну, как пережила Голодомор, массовые депортации крестьян и гонения на украинских диссидентов. Украина переживет и выстоит». Украинский писатель Андрей Курков рассказывает о Дне Независимости своей страны — ровно через полгода после начала полномасштабного вторжения России в Украину.

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Am 24. August feiert die Ukraine traditionell ihre Unabhängigkeit, auf die es Russland nicht erst mit dem vor sechs Monaten losgetretenen Angriffskrieg abgesehen hat. Was bedeutet der Krieg für das Unabhängigkeitsgefühl der Ukrainer? Und wie blicken die den Ukrainern verbundenen Belarussen auf den Feiertag? Darüber schreiben die beiden Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow und Alhierd Bacharevič.

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Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, bei dem auch Belarus eine unheilvolle Rolle spielt, sieht sich der Schriftsteller und Lyriker Alhierd Bacharevič einer schmerzhaften Zerrissenheit ausgeliefert.

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„Die Ukraine wird diesen Krieg überleben.” Davon ist der ukrainische Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow überzeugt. Seit Beginn der großen russischen Invasion vor einem halben Jahr beschäftigt er sich nicht mehr mit der Fiktion seiner Romane, sondern damit, der Welt die Geschichte und Kultur seines Landes näherzubringen.

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Im Krieg gegen die Ukraine steht der belarussische Machthaber Alexander Lukaschenko an der Seite des russischen Präsidenten Putin. Doch bislang sind keine seiner Truppen beteiligt. Warum hilft er Putin? Was hat er zu gewinnen, was zu verlieren? Und was bedeutet das für seinen eigenen Machterhalt?

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Das war der Stand nach drei Monaten Krieg: Wie lief der Krieg bis dato ab? Wie leistet die ukrainische Armee Widerstand? Und wie groß ist die Gefahr einer atomaren Eskalation?

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Kurz nach dem Angriff auf die Hauptstadt Kiew bot der ukrainische Präsident Selensky eine Neutralität seines Landes an – allerdings geknüpft an Bedingungen.
\nWas kann eine neutrale Ukraine denn theoretisch überhaupt heißen? Und wäre das so eine einfache Lösung, wie es klingt?

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Die Hoffnung lag von Beginn an auf der Diplomatie. Doch wie sind die Chancen auf einen möglichen Waffenstillstand? Kann nicht doch die UNO helfen? Warum ist es so schwierig, mit Putin an den Verhandlungstisch zu gehen?

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Wie hat Wladimir Putin den Angriff auf Kiew und die großflächige Invasion am 24. Februar 2022 begonnen? Und mit welchen Propaganda-Formeln versucht er, ihn legitim erscheinen zu lassen?

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Vorgehen gegen „ausländische Agenten“ in Medien und Zivilgesellschaft, Memorial International aufgelöst, Alexej Nawalny im Straflager … 2021 – ein Jahr des Shifts in Russland.

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У Беларусі святкуюць каталіцкае і праваслаўнае Раство, знітаваны з савецкім мінулым Новы год і – Каляды. У гэтай кароткай гнозе мы тлумачым, што гэта за старажытная традыцыя і адкуль яна паходзіць.

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In Belarus wird das katholische und orthodoxe Weihnachten gefeiert, dazu das aus der Sowjetunion stammende Neujahr und: Kaljady. In dieser kurzen Gnose erklären wir, was es mit diesem archaischen Weihnachtsfest auf sich hat und woher es stammt.

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Жыла сабе адна краіна. Жыла як усе — то добра, то ня вельмі. Жыхары ейныя былі працавітыя ды руплівыя — сеялі, жалі, будавалі, пісалі кнігі, сьпявалі песьні, нараджалі дзяцей. Адно было ў гэтай краіне ня так, як ва ўсіх — ня мела яна караля. Ну, ня мела й ня мела. Зьбіралася двойчы на год рада […]

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Eine belarussische Weihnachtsgeschichte von Lavon Volski.

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Каляды па-беларуску

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Weihnachten auf Belarussisch

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16 лет германо-российских отношений. Правление Меркель в фотографиях — с комментариями Кати Глогер.

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Andrei Arkhangelsky:  I thought we could start with personal thought patterns, the kind we are not even aware of or only become aware of as we grow older. The ones that demand that we do some hard work on ourselves.   We were both born in what was still the Soviet era – in its complacent years under Brezhnev (also known as the era of stagnation). This was in the late 1960s, early 1970s. What were those first ideas I had about my country and the […]

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Do the myths a society tells itself about its history determine how it perceives itself? Or do certain patterns of thought have to develop first to enable such myths to spread?  

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At least since its annexation of Crimea in 2014, Russia has been “positioning” the past for its own propagandistic purposes, misusing history as an aid-de-camp in its war of aggression against Ukraine and its confrontation with the West. But historical propaganda would not be taken up so well in Russian society if it were not able to build on patterns of thought that developed long ago.  

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This is why we have chosen to launch our new special – devoted to decoding the Kremlin’s historical narratives – with an exchange of letters between journalist Andrei Arkhangelsky and historian Sergei Medvedev, in which they explore the toxic and deadly thought patterns that lie behind Russia’s myths about the past.  

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AI note: dekoder used Google Gemini to create this illustration. 

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Andrei Arkhangelsky:  I thought we could start with personal thought patterns, the kind we are not even aware of or only become aware of as we grow older. The ones that demand that we do some hard work on ourselves.  

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We were both born in what was still the Soviet era – in its complacent years under Brezhnev (also known as the era of stagnation). This was in the late 1960s, early 1970s. What were those first ideas I had about my country and the world? Foremost among them was that I was lucky to have been born in the best country in the world, the USSR: this was the self-evident basis for everything else. I can even describe the feeling on a scale of colours: “our country” has the place in the sun, in the bright light, with no cracks or gaps – and the light is produced by the country itself (like a perpetuum mobile).  

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Next come the other socialist countries. It’s light there, too, but with stripes, like the ones on their flags, white alternating with, let’s call it grey. And finally, the “countries of capital” and all the others – situated along a spectrum from violet to black. The darkness in the US, for instance, is impenetrable.  

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I also had the feeling that the Soviet Union could replace the whole world, that we didn’t need “the others” at all, because we were already a “whole world” in and for ourselves, “history in and for ourselves”. 

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The vast expanses of the Soviet Union contributed to this lucky-to-be-born-here thought pattern: “in the largest country, in the most immense of countries …” – we heard that from childhood on.  

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These are the central thought patterns; the others revolve around them.  

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How do you see this?  

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Sergei Medvedev: It’s very similar for me. I can still see myself, already a Young Pioneer, in my third or fourth year of school (1975/76): a winter morning, pitch dark outside, the rectangles of the windows of the house across the street gradually lighting up. I’m eating breakfast in the kitchen; I’m in my school uniform, its neckerchief pressed and carefully tied. Next to me, across the entire wall of the kitchen (for educational purposes, of course, but also to hide the peeling paint), is a political map of the world, its upper right corner proudly adorned with an area tinted a romantic pink and marked with the letters CCCP (USSR).  

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I read the names of the cities, from Kishinev [now Chișinău, Moldova – dek] to Uelen [near the Bering Strait in the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug – dek], and I’m filled with pride at the dimensions, the serene grandeur of this part of the world. My heart skips, and I think: What a stroke of luck for me, one little boy among billions of people on the planet, to have been born not just in this country, but actually in its capital city!  

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I even used to dream of a time when the pink patch on the map would grow even larger, when fraternal countries on our borders, like Mongolia, Bulgaria and Romania, would realize that it would be better to be part of this space – and we would become even bigger, even more wonderful.  

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It seems I’ve aged a bit since then, and I’ve reconsidered my views about that pink patch on the world map – but I have the sense that many of our compatriots never moved beyond that childish enthusiasm, that they still genuinely wonder why on earth all the other countries in the region don’t want to belong to us.  

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This myth about the greatness of the empire is one of the most persistent myths. People still stubbornly cling to the belief that Russia is somehow blessed: those nine time zones, the fabled Trans-Siberian Railway, the strategic depths, in which Charles XII [of Sweden – dek], Napoleon and Hitler all floundered in their day.  

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In fact, quite the opposite is true: the huge empire is a burden and Russia’s curse (incidentally, Ivan Ilyin, the religious philosopher so admired by Putin, wrote about this long ago).  

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These days, I give university lectures about this curse of vastness. The first time I flew to Chukotka [Autonomous Okrug, opposite Alaska – dek] from Moscow (as a student for a summer internship) I was staggered by the expanse of land we flew over, but not so much by pride at its size as by bewilderment at its senselessness. Holding such an expanse is like holding millions of square kilometres on Mars: it may sound great, but the reality is a pointless waste of resources in trying to develop those vast areas. Russia hasn’t managed that in 500 years.  

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Arkhangelsky: War and the Victory – that is the fundamental myth for my generation and for a few generations, before and after mine. The Victory was all-pervasive in my childhood. The Great Patriotic War, as World War II was known in the Soviet Union, (again, in a mythologised account thereof) allowed several robust narratives to take shape: “Russia is always the one that is attacked, it only defends itself”, “we never started any wars but we’ve always won them”, “we are the bravest and at the same time the most peace-loving”.  

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During perestroika, these narratives all seemed to be breaking down. For our generation (born in the late 1960s and the 1970s), the debunking came in a landslide: we had only just become familiar with all the “eternal topics” – the heroes of the Revolution, the 28 Panfilov heroes, the enthusiasm of the five-year plans – when they began to disintegrate under the hailstorm of new facts. In 1985, the weekly Ogonek, which I started reading at a young age (who didn’t?), began printing pieces about Stalinist repression, but also about the first months of the war and the “price of victory”. The start of the war was a veritable blank page in the official historiography; information had to be pieced together scrap by scrap.  

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The real history refuted the myth that “we didn’t have any military strength before the war”. But there were three thousand tanks in the Western Military District alone: a huge potential – the only thing lacking was the ability to use it. This revelation did not diminish the heroism of our grandparents’ generation, but it did cast doubt on the veracity of everything that had been imparted to us with so much pathos. This aroused an enormous interest in history – it would all essentially have to be learned all over again.  

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This new information did not have a profound impact on most Russians, though – we see that today. It baffles me, to be honest: that whole avalanche of new facts during perestroika – surely it must have flipped a switch in everyone, even the staunchest of the revanchists, Communists, etc.? Though actually, I now think that it did have an impact, that everyone did realise what it all meant. But then a defence mechanism kicked in across most of the population: “It just can’t all have been a lie, though, all be untrue, can it?”  

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Have you ever noticed the elegance with which post-Soviet society has, since the 1990s, dismissed anything that casts it in a negative or unpleasant light? Not with furious denials, but with post-irony: “boring and ridiculous”. I used to work for Ogonek, and by the 2000s I was hearing the publishers say things like: “Enough about Stalin, our readers are already bored by that. We need to look forward.” Then the Internet arrived and taught us to make jokes about everything… including repression. The typical, cynical post-irony online: “Sure, we were the ones who were always shooting, incarcerating and torturing everyone. It’s all Stalin’s fault.” As a method, it’s the perfect way for the vast majority to hide from the truth. 

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Exactly the same thing is happening today: any mention of guilt or responsibility for the war on the part of Russians is labelled “boring and ridiculous”, even in opposition circles.  

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Medvedev: With World War II, the situation is more complex. That isn’t just another Soviet state myth, it’s a foundational myth, the foundation of the Soviet identity. For all intents and purposes, the origin of our state (both our past and present-day state) goes back not to the frosty 7th of November (October Revolution Day), nor to the diffuse 12th of June (Russia Day, Russia’s national holiday) and certainly not to the fabricated 4th of November (Unity Day, introduced in 2005), but to the 9th of May. Front and centre in this ontology is the expiatory sacrifice, death as salvation. This is what made it possible for the war mythology to replace Christianity as rapidly and easily as it did for many people. It helped, of course, that it falls in the spring – nature and the lilacs awakening to blossom, life victorious over death – a secular Soviet Easter.  

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As a child, I internalised this myth to a profound degree – not as Soviet celebration and ceremony but as a human story, one that two generations before me suffered through. There was no “cult of veterans” in our family. One of my grandfathers, a radio operator who made it all the way to Berlin, had long since left the family; the other spent the entire war in the gulag (17 years in total). But the 1970s, the decade I grew up in, were heavily influenced by the humanism of the Thaw. I used to draw poignant postcards – showing not tanks, but flowers and pinecones – and go watch the gatherings of veterans by the Bolshoi Theatre.  

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It wasn’t until the 1980s that this myth began to lose its humanity, to harden into stone, be buried by Breshnev’s Malaya Zemlja [Engl. Minor Land], and all those eternal flames. Then in the 1990s, the state took it over entirely, and in the 2000s it underwent a thorough transformation under Putin, becoming its opposite, the subject of a militaristic, chauvinistic carnival and state religion, complete with sombre temple and the devout processions of the Immortal Regiment. 

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The whole thing is repugnant, of course, but thinking back on my childhood, I understand how and why this myth works.  

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Bringing back our first myth, the myth of greatness: I think the propaganda combines these two elements quite cleverly – the myth of Russia’s greatness and the myth of the sacrifice marked by the 9th of May. The result is an explosive, mind-blowing mixture: the myth of the Victory as the chief paradigm of Russian history. Or in an even broader sense – the myth of war as the basic ontology of Russian life.  

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Russia is a belligerent country: it would be hard to find more than a few decades in the past ten centuries when Russia wasn’t at war with someone. You’ve got the military history, a war ethos and military elites, well into the 19th century – hence the cult of risk-taking, contempt for life, the love of duelling and card games, as [the literary scholar – dek] Juri Lotman  pointed out with regard to the Russian nobility. And there’s the, the economy and consciousness; recruitment and conscription and the fatalism (“our grandfathers went to war, and we will too”). War is accepted in Russia in just the same way that the harsh winters or the hard-hearted regime are – you don’t talk about it, you survive it.  

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All of this was carried over seamlessly from the Empire to the USSR and from the USSR to the present day. And now, in the name of this myth, this narrative, Russia is waging another war – criminal, unnecessary, crude, but rendered sacred by tradition, inscribed in the myth and therefore natural and familiar to the populace.  

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Arkhangelsky: You expressed that marvellously – war as a substitute for religion. Incidentally, it is also war as an adventure (my grandmother, who lived through the entire war, would refer to a war film on television in the 1970s as “a wee film about the wee war”). All this glamourization of the war – turning it into a sport, as Anton Dolin once noted – had monstrous consequences. Among other things, it explains the emergence of the set phrase “We can do it again”. Only someone who has never been told the truth about war could ever speak of it in such a way.  

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The Shestidesiatnyky, the dissident generation of the 1960s, described of everyday life during the war truthfully, but even they didn’t write about the layers, the stacks of corpses that were the price paid for every patch of land taken. The daily conveyor belt of death, turning living human beings by their thousands into stiff rotting corpses was left out of the story. That’s what war is, though, for both sides. The German dead figured in the war literature, of course, but not our own. What an outrage that would have been! The Soviet dead are mentioned only in the personal reminiscences that happened to have been preserved. That’s where we find the “truth about war”, the truth that we now learn thanks to footage from drones and helmet-cameras…  

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In my opinion, the myth of “the war as religion” that you’ve described gives rise to two other important thought patterns. One is the myth that was drummed into us in Soviet times, and which is now being repeated: that the USSR defeated fascism all by itself (above all, without the United Kingdom and the US). And this accomplishment grants quasi an unlimited moral right to Russia and its population: “We defeated the evil in the world; therefore, the entire world will be forever in our debt; therefore, we are entitled to do anything. Mind you, this latter “we” is lacking in basic decency even with regard to the former “we”, which encompassed the populations of all former Soviet republics.  

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The second thought pattern deals with just what it is that this “we” considers to be “ours”: “Ours is everywhere that our blood has ever been spilled” (and we have fought almost everywhere). The poet Boris Slutsky wrote: “Our corpses lie buried in five neighbouring countries”. This squares with Putin’s “Russia ends nowhere”. The losses in the numerous wars over the course of several centuries – enormous, unnecessary and often, as history has shown, senseless – have become a bloody, symbolic capital for the Putin regime. The greater our losses, the greater the moral right to new conquests! Cynical, yes, but it works.  

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Moreover, this absolute entitlement, almost in passing, erases any sins from the historical memory: the 1939/40 attack on Finland, the 1940 annexation of the Baltic states, the “liberation campaigns” of the Red Army in Western Ukraine and Belarus and the annihilation of Poland as a state. It also erases the sin at the very root of all of that, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, which amounted practically to unleashing World War II hand in hand with Hitler. These days (and in Soviet times), people tend to speak of this criminal pact as something Russia was “forced into, in order to gain time”. Even the publication of the secret additional protocols in the late 1980s could not shake this narrative: in the collective consciousness, this cooperation with evil is simply rendered unrecognisable, disguised as a “ruse of war”, a “trick”. 

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Medvedev: We now have a new definition of Russia’s borders: “Where the foot of a Russian soldier steps, that is ours”, said Putin in June of 2025. A boastful, pompous and entirely false assertion (what else should one expect from a professional liar): the feet of Russian soldiers tromped through Mukden and Port Arthur, through Afghanistan and Manchuria, and across the Alps with Suvorov on his senseless and foolhardy campaign, and from all those places, Russia withdrew in disgrace … Glorifying war, territorial expansion, the shedding of blood: this is an archaic activity. The argumentum ab sanguinis, invoking “the blood of the Russian soldier” and “the blood of our grandfathers” is the first sign of fascism, a biological definition of the nation as a collective body, as “blood and soil”.  

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It also explains the complete lack of historical reflection, the failure to look at our own history through a critical lens, and the inability to recognise the crimes of the past. Russian historical memory is carefully groomed, selective and superficial – it is mythologised and subordinated to the grand state narratives (victory, greatness, sacrifice in the name of a greater goal). At the same time, it is also hemmed in by repression and censorship, which steers a careful course around all sharp edges, such as questions of crime, responsibility, guilt.  

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The genocide of minority ethnic peoples [the “small nations”] during the expansion of the Russian Empire, the Stalinist deportations, Katyn, the war crimes of the Red Army in Europe in 1945 and of the Soviet army in Afghanistan, the extermination of Chechens that has been going on for 200 years – these are issues that are not registered by the mass consciousness, they are thoroughly tabooed, thrust into the “ghetto” of human rights defenders (e.g. into the publications and events of Memorial ) and branded anti-Russian by the authorities. We are left with a hollowed-out, one-sided and absolutely infantile image of history that conveys a false sense of greatness and an immutable historical “rightness”. A view that rules out any responsibility for the past and serves as a guarantee for new crimes committed by Russia in the name of its own history.  

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Arkhangelsky There is the silencing of inconvenient truths and the elimination of witnesses, and at the same time there is this emphasis of Russia’s special status as the alleged saviour of the world. This “eternal synthesis” gives rise to another thought pattern: put colloquially, “We’re all one people”. This pattern grew out of the history of colonial conquest, of course. Russian imperialism differs from the typical European “maritime imperialism”. European colonialism was based on the idea that there was a fundamental difference between the coloniser and the colonised, with the divide between the two considered insurmountable. The idea that underlies Russian imperialism is quite the opposite, at least as far as Ukrainians and Belarusians are concerned: the idea of sameness. “You are just like us, we are all one people,” says the coloniser, opening his arms disingenuously.  

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This creates an “elevator effect” [similar to that described by the sociologist Ulrich Beck in his 1986 book Risikogesellschaft on the influence of the “explosion of prosperity” on West German society after World War II – dek], opening new paths to success (when the next purge comes, you won’t be put up against a wall in your home region but in Moscow, the capital!). All you have to do is renounce your own identity in favour of a Greater Russian identity, and you, too, will get to make decisions about all the other “little nations” and lord it over the slaves of the empire. Under this Greater Russia theory, the empire also acquires a “right” to neighbouring territories, the so-called “historical lands”. Hence the concept of the Russkiy Mir interweaves with that of a “historical Russia” – the one that exists wherever a Russian soldier has once set foot.  

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In Putin’s ideology, Russia is a “victor nation”. Naturally, all the other peoples living in its vicinity secretly desire nothing more than to join this “victorious people”. A refusal to do so – as manifest in Ukraine’s fierce resistance – is met with genuine astonishment: Why not? What other version of greatness could there possibly be?  

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Due to their imperialistic consciousness, it does not even occur to them – and again, this obliviousness is genuine – that another people might consider this “greatness” to be completely irrelevant. They simply want to tend their garden and be left in peace.  

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So, from your perspective as a historian, is this myth of “one single people” a uniquely Russian instrument, granting the empire a right to colonise ad infinitum?  

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Medvedev: Uniquely Russian? No, of course not, and the first parallel that springs to mind is the myth of a united German nation, the geopolitical consequences of which shook Europe for a hundred years – from the mid-19th to the mid-20th century. The formation of the German nation cost the world three big wars and millions of victims. And now, Russia, which got delayed along its path to modernity, is, broadly speaking, on the same historical trajectory that the Germans followed. And it is experiencing the geopolitical consequences of the romantic notion of the nation as a community of blood, language and destiny. Putin’s spiritual father in this respect is Solzhenitsyn, whose later political pamphlets laid out the basis for the notion of a single people made up of Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians, including Russian speaking residents of North Kazakhstan as well. This idea has become firmly entrenched in post-imperial minds. 

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The myth of the “one single people” as an organic entity of “blood and soil” takes us back to the biopolitical territory of fascism, which defines the nation in biological terms (even language becomes a biological, organic, corporeal phenomenon). “The Russian speakers”, “compatriots”, “Russkiy Mir”: these concepts are essentially fascist, and it is no accident that they underpin the discourse justifying the war in Ukraine and the destruction of Ukrainian statehood and identity. The same discourse could easily apply to aggression against Kazakhstan, Latvia or Estonia.  

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Arkhangelsky: The imperial consciousness accepts, albeit with a heavy heart, that the Baltic states and the former Warsaw Pact countries are now “foreign” for us. You’d have to look hard to find anyone in Russia these days who knows that Ukraine first proclaimed its independence in 1918, though, and an independent Ukraine has long been a torment to the imperialist consciousness.  

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The Soviet leadership was all too familiar with armed Ukrainian underground’s ferocious resistance to occupation in the western part of the country during the 1940s and 1950s. The Soviet central government sent in one NKVD secret-police division after the next to deal with them, and the secret reports from the time show that the local population was “almost entirely on the side of the insurgents”. Might this explain the great care that propagandists in the late Soviet period took in weighing how much content depicting Ukrainians as a people with agency they should inject to mass culture, into television programming? It could only ever be a folkloric kind of agency: “They are the ones who dance and sing so prettily.” Any Ukrainian writer, any artist who tried to raise the issue of national identity was immediately inundated with charges of “bourgeois nationalism”.  

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The present-day propaganda manages to out-ham even the ham-handedness of the Soviet output: today’s propaganda is premised on the negation of any kind of existence in its own right on the part of Ukraine (there is a historical parallel here: the same vehemence was evident in the denial of Poland’s having any kind of autonomous existence throughout the entire 19th century and again in 1939, a point on which, incidentally, the Nazis and the Communists were in marvellous accord). But how stupid does one have to be to tell Ukraine’s 52-million strong population to their faces, “you’re just a fiction”, “you don’t really exist” – and still hope to achieve an “ideological” victory over them?  

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The views even of pro-Ukrainian Russians are not free of repercussions from having the idea of Ukraine’s “lack of standing as a sovereign state” drummed into them for decades. This can be heard in the rhetoric of opposition activists at demonstrations in Berlin: particularly at the first protest, it was palpably apparent that the speakers simply had no language with which to talk about Ukraine.

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Medvedev: In fact, completely the opposite situation applies: Ukraine’s statehood is fully developed. Indeed, it grows stronger with each day of the war, whereas Russia is gradually forfeiting its own status in this respect. In the course of this war, Ukraine completed the process of forging itself into a political nation, tempering that nationhood in the fire of battle. In addition to having the most combat effective army in Europe, Ukraine has become a significant player on the international stage, engaging with the great powers on an equal footing.  

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Russia, though, does not enjoy the standing of a fully developed state along either the internal or the external dimension of that concept. Internally, it has ceased to be an empire but has yet to become either an ethnic or a civic nation. Russians have not become a true polity: they remain just a population, a statistical aggregation. Russia does not enjoy the full standing of a sovereign state externally either, with its illegitimate and unrecognised borders and its president being the subject of an international arrest warrant.  

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I think this whole Russian narrative about Ukraine “lacking statehood” is rooted in envy, in this very lack of independence, identity and dignity on the part of Russia itself. Brzeziński described Ukraine as being a cornerstone of the empire and said the Russian empire would lose its meaning without Ukraine. The loss of Ukraine became a fundamental trauma for the Russian imperial consciousness. This trauma is at the core of Brodsky’s vituperative On the independence of Ukraine, a poem that devastated his fans and does not fit easily into the canon of the rebellious Nobel laureate poet. The poem is actually an enraged shriek from the Russian imperial consciousness, whose competent representative Brodsky felt himself to be. As did Pushkin, incidentally, another imperialist poet.  

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Russian resentment of Ukraine is a blend of two feelings: the aggrieved indignation of a gentleman deprived something that had seemed to be rightfully his (Ukraine was seen as especially close to Russia, so close that there was hardly any difference between the two, which is why its departure was taken as such a painful betrayal) and a slave’s impotent envy of someone who is free.  

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The best medicine against all these myths – of greatness, victory and the right to unlimited expansion, of Russia’s uniqueness and the inferiority of the peripheral parts of the empire – would be a defeat of Russia in Ukraine, like the one Germany experienced in 1945. I fear, though, that even that would not help the dying power, immersed in hallucinations of its former greatness.  

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Arkhangelsky: “Hallucination”: that describes it very well. The myth of boundless greatness is a substitute for the empire that was lost. And the more obvious the loss becomes, the more powerful the mass hallucinations grow. This threadbare myth of greatness is coupled with two patterns of thought. One – and this one has been around for centuries (practically since the world was created) – is that “everybody envies us and wants to conquer us to get our riches”. The recent Russian pop hit Matushka zemlya sums up these clichés in the simplest form: “Mother earth, white birch, for me Holy Rus, for others a thorn in the eye.”  

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The whole world dreamt of subjugating and conquering us: this is also part of what lies behind Putin’s assertion about the “expansion of NATO right up to the borders of Russia”, which was one of the formal reasons cited for the unprovoked aggression against Ukraine. This universal egocentrism means that any and all actions are only ever seen as being “for” or “against” Russia.  

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I would like to finish up by looking at a thesis that Putin’s propagandists have been at pains to inculcate in the populace: “All revolutions in Russia were started by external forces”. Not even the Revolution of 1917 is spared in this respect: there’s a version of history being propagated these days that describes it as an “operation of the German General Staff”. One is left literally speechless. In just a quarter of a century, the fundamental pillar of Soviet ideology has been completely forgotten: the USSR, the world’s first workers’ and peasants’ state, born of the October Revolution. Propagandists were the ones who, in line with the ideological dogma, understood the Revolution as the loftiest of human achievements, as the authentic creation of the masses themselves, and as having sparked the “revolutionary fire” throughout the world. This, as recently as in the 1970s. And now, they are out there, with wild eyes and a brutish look on their faces, labelling other countries’ revolutions “coups d’etat” (above all the 2014 Euromaidan in Ukraine). 

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Do they actually believe the things they are saying? That was a rhetorical question, of course. This kind of duplicity – even when it comes to their own history – tells us a lot about those who practise it: above all, that nothing is sacred to them and they have no respect for the past.  

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Medvedev: In deconstructing the myths and typical thought patterns we’ve been discussing, I’ve come to realise that they are all the deliberately constructed product of centuries of work by state-controlled propaganda machines, cultural elites and academic training and school education. They seem to be eternal, and they are now being reproduced by the mass consciousness. The truth is, though, that these ideas are the product of intentional mythmaking that has served the interests of the state and the empire in multiple historical periods: from the Muscovite and Imperial periods on through to the Soviet and post-Soviet periods.  

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Thus, all these myths are extremely toxic because they keep the mass consciousness locked into a paradigm of imperial thinking, in myths about the greatness and uniqueness of Russia, its culture and its civilization, about the eternal war with the West and the eschatology of victory. There were attempts in the 1980s and 1990s to examine these myths through a critical lens, but these efforts failed to result in long-term, institutional change and are now branded as a “betrayal”.  

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In the name of these myths, a war of aggression is being waged against Ukraine today, peaceful cities are being bombarded. At the same time, the war is being normalised and the mass consciousness is being soothed in Russia itself. In this sense, the romantic dreams of Russian empire are not only toxic, but de facto deadly.  

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We are publishing this piece in cooperation with the German section of the Deutsch-Russische Geschichtskommission (Joint Commission for Research into the Recent History of German-Russian Relations) and BKGE (Federal Institute for History and Culture of the Germans in Eastern Europe, Oldenburg).  

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Victory Day is celebrated on the 9th of May in most post-Soviet states and in Israel. It commemorates the Soviet Union’s defeat of Nazi Germany and has become the most important national holiday in Russia. In addition to being observed as an official day of remembrance, the 9th of May has traditionally been an occasion for popular and family celebrations.

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In its broadest sense, “gulag” refers to the system of Soviet labour camps and thus to the Terror and the apparatus of repression that the Communist Party of the Soviet Union built to keep itself in power. Gulag is the Russian acronym for the Chief Administration of Corrective Labour Camps, which existed from 1922 to 1956 and was under the control of the Soviet secret police. 

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Liberation from despots, a culture of gentle protest and poets as popular heroes: the period of thaw in the years after Stalin’s death introduced a new definition of Soviet life. There was a euphoric phase of liberalization in cultural and political life. But with the ouster of Nikita Khrushchev came a new phase of political restoration that would continue until perestroika. These days, the Thaw is often romanticised through the lens of nostalgia; among historians, its interpretation is still a subject of considerable debate.

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Acting on orders from the Politburo, members of the People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs (NKVD) executed thousands of Polish officers near the village of Katyn, not far from the Russian city of Smolensk, in the spring of 1940. The mass shootings were part of a larger action against Polish prisoners of war ordered by Stalin’s Politburo. The German Wehrmacht discovered the mass graves in April of 1943 and exploited the massacre in a big anti-Soviet propaganda campaign.

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The concept of the Russian World (Russ. russkiy mir) was first developed in 2006/07 and has grown increasingly popular since then. While it may initially have been a cultural concept that emphasised the socially binding force of the Russian language and Russian literature (there is an eponymous foundation that is dedicated to promoting Russian language and culture around the world), today it also serves to legitimize external actions aimed at strengthening Russia’s influence in the post-Soviet space. 

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Zbigniew Brzeziński (1928–2017) was an American political scientist, a policy adviser and corporate consultant. Born in Poland, he moved with his family to Canada in 1938 and became a U.S. citizen in 1958. Brzezinski focused primarily on the Soviet Union in his scholarly work and was a member of the faculties of Columbia, Harvard and Johns Hopkins. He served as a foreign policy adviser under Presidents Johnson, Carter, Reagan and Bush senior. Brzezinski was one of the most influential figures of the Cold War, a consistent advocate for a position of global pre-eminence for the US.

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