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Почему миф об «одном народе и общей колыбели» так важен для путинского государства? В модерной парадигме народы ведут отсчет своей истории не от истоков своей государственности, а от начал нации. Нация древнее своих институтов, они — производное по отношению к ней. Государство тоже возникает на более поздней стадии самоорганизации нации; нация первична. Институт нации потеснил в Новое […]
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Ende 2021 veröffentlichte Moskau seinen Entwurf für einen Vertrag über sogenannte „Sicherheitsgarantien“. Er gilt bis heute als „Maximal-Programm“ der russischen Außenpolitik gegenüber NATO und Westen. Dekoder-Redakteur Dmitry Kartsev entschlüsselt, welche Geschichtserzählung dahinterstecken.
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How did Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea unfold? On 27 February 2014, Russian special forces, who were armed and wore no identifying insignia, occupied the parliamentary building in the capital city of Simferopol. The legitimate prime minister of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Anatolii Mohyliov, was removed from office and replaced by Sergey Aksyonov a […]
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Where is the basis for relations between Russia and NATO defined? “Mutual relations, cooperation and security between NATO and the Russian Federation” are the subject-matter of the NATO–Russia Founding Act, which was signed in Paris on 27 May 1997 by the heads of states and governments of the NATO member countries, NATO Secretary General Javier Solana and Russian President Boris Yeltsin. It […]
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How do Putin & Co. use the terms “Russian World” and “historical Russia”? The term Russkiy mir (Eng. Russian World) first began to crop up in the speeches of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev in the first decade of the 21st century. The concept had been developed earlier, although the Kremlin leaders first used it […]
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Mit dem Mythos, die Krym sei schon immer russisch gewesen, will Putins Russland seine Annexion der ukrainischen Halbinsel 2014 rechtfertigen. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo umreißt die historischen Entwicklungen, die Russlands Krym-Erzählung verschweigt.
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Das Konzept istoritscheskaja Rossija (dt: historisches Russland) ist im Westen wenig bekannt, gleichwohl hat es eine lange Begriffsgeschichte und wird von Putin und der Kremlpropaganda seit Jahren immer häufiger benutzt.
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Russia was using historical narratives to justify subjugation and aggression in its “near abroad” even before it annexed Crimea in 2014. History has also been conscripted as an aid-de-camp in Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine and confrontation with the West, with stories that keep finding audiences, both in- and outside of Russia, that are ready, even eager to believe. \nIn the dekoder special Russia’s History Myths Unmasked, renowned authors decode these narratives of Russian (state) history with their intricate underpinnings, some extending back to the Middle Ages.
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Moscow describes “Ancient Rus” as the cradle of the “Russian people”, the origin of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation of the present day. In doing so, it is using well over a millennium’s worth of history to construct a narrative aimed at justifying the use of hybrid measures to influence other states and even a destructive war against neighbouring states. Historian Andrey Doronin takes a deep dive into the historical underpinnings of this Russian myth and explains how the understandings of the non-Russian Rus differ from the myth that Moscow tells.
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Russlands Mythos von der bedrohlichen NATO verschweigt, dass der Kreml selbst über Jahrzehnte an einer Annäherung zur NATO gearbeitet hat, zeitweise gar Mitglied werden wollte. So entstand 1997 die NATO-Russland-Grundakte, die offiziell bis heute gilt. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo skizziert ihre Entstehung und Bedeutung.
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Переписка журналиста Андрея Архангельского и историка Сергея Медведева — о паттернах российского исторического мышления.
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Andrei Arkhangelsky: I thought we could start with personal thought patterns, the kind we are not even aware of or only become aware of as we grow older. The ones that demand that we do some hard work on ourselves. We were both born in what was still the Soviet era – in its complacent years under Brezhnev (also known as the era of stagnation). This was in the late 1960s, early 1970s. What were those first ideas I had about my country and the […]
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Moskau beschreibt die Alte Rus als Wiege eines „russischen Volkes“, zu dem angeblich Russen, Belarussen und Ukrainer gehören. Damit nutzt es die jahrtausendealte Geschichte, die sich geografisch deutlich weiter westlich abspielte, und konstruiert ein Narrativ, das hybride Einflussnahme und sogar einen zerstörerischen Krieg gegen Nachbarstaaten rechtfertigen soll. Der Historiker Andrej Doronin geht dem russischen Mythos vom „einigen Volk“ auf den tiefen geschichtlichen Grund und erläutert, wie sich die Verständnisse der nicht-russländischen rus vom Moskauer Mythos unterscheiden.
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Вплоть до полномасштабной войны в Украине растущую зависимость от российского газа в Германии часто оправдывали тем, что Москва всегда была надежным поставщиком топлива по низким ценам. Игнорируя то, что подоплека действий Кремля из экономической давно стала политической. Когда это произошло и к каким привело последствиям?
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Dieser Beitrag ist ein Teil unseres Projekts „Russlands Geschichtsmythen entlarvt“. Mehr Narrative dekodieren Andrej Archangelski: Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen. Wir sind beide noch in der Sowjetzeit geboren – […]
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Глава 1. Красный газ У каждой истории есть отправной пункт. У нашей он расположен там, где, кажется, ничего не напоминает о газе или международной торговле энергоносителями — в Лайцхалле. Это главный концертный зал Гамбурга — «вольного и ганзейского города», как он именуется официально. 6 июня 1967 года туда стекаются сотни людей. Парковка перед зданием — […]
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dekoder feiert 10. Geburtstag! Schenk uns – und dir – weitere Jahre geballte dekoder-Energie!
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Bis zum Beginn des vollumfänglichen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, wurde die wachsende Abhängigkeit von russischem Gas in Deutschland häufig damit gerechtfertigt, Moskau habe doch stets zuverlässig geliefert. Ein Blick auf die Details zeigt ein anderes Bild.
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Eine Reise in die Zeit, als mehrere tausend Kilometer lange Pipelines gebaut wurden – und man noch glaubte, mit Gashandel Völker verbinden und diplomatische Spannungen überbrücken zu können.
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1. Wie die Illusion von Wahrheit erzeugt wird Gegen 5 Uhr morgens am 24. Februar 2022 beginnen die russischen Truppen einen großflächigen Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Die Invasion rückt rasch über vier Achsen voran: auf Kyjiw und Charkiw, auf den Donbass und auf den Süden der Ukraine aus Richtung der Halbinsel Krim. Gleichzeitig verübt Russland […]
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In ihrer Kurzgeschichte aus dem Jahr 2014 erkundet die belarussische Autorin Mariya Lappo die trügerischen Vorzüge eines Lebens in Abschottung. In unserem Literatur-Special präsentieren wir den Text erstmals auf Deutsch.
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Большинство расхожих объяснений происхождения словосочетания «Белая Русь» не имеет под собой научной основы. Откуда оно взялось на самом деле и как стало именем государства, рассказывает беларуский историк Виктор Шадурский.
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Geboren in Charkiw, aufgewachsen in Horliwka im Donbas. Als Kind schrieb Julja Danylowa Artikel für die Kinderzeitung Skrepka (dt. Büroklammer). 2014 musste sie mit 18 Jahren vor der russischen Invasion ihre Heimatregion verlassen. Sie zog nach Charkiw und machte dort 2018 ihren Abschluss an der Kulturakademie Charkiw. Seitdem arbeitet sie hauptsächlich mit Drucken, Comics und […]
Geboren 1975 im Ural, lebt seit 2010 in Charkiw (Ukraine). Oleg Michajlow ist Autor und Dramaturg – ausgebildeter Schauspieler, arbeitete als Radiomoderator, schreibt seit 2005 Theaterstücke und ist bei Theaterfestivals in Kyjiw, Charkiw und Kramatorsk vertreten. Seine Stücke werden in der Ukraine beispielsweise am Kyjiwer Akademischen Theater Soloti Worota (dt. Goldenes Tor), dem Charkiwer Staatlichen […]
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I Der Riese kam immer nachts. Wenn die Wintersonne unwillig aus dem kühlen Meer kroch und die Stadt erhellte, mussten ihre Einwohner feststellen, dass der Riese auch in dieser Nacht mehrere Häuser zerstört hatte. Die Einwohner liebten ihre Stadt sehr, darum war es kein Wunder, dass sie bitterlich weinten, wenn sie jeden Morgen wieder neue […]
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„Ein neues Märchen. Ich schreibe immer düsterer, also … ein Märchen über die Angst.“ Mit diesen Worten veröffentlichte der Charkiwer Dramaturg und Kinderbuchautor Oleg Michajlow im Dezember 2023 die Geschichte von dem Jungen Petja, der sich mit einem Plüsch-Hahn, einer Rennmaus und einem Hauskater anschickt, den bösen Riesen zu erlegen, der seine Familie und sein […]
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Ein Kapitel des deutschen Vernichtungsfeldzugs gegen die Sowjetunion, das oft übersehen wird, ist die Politik der „verbrannten Dörfer“ in Belarus. Die NS-Besatzer zerstörten im ganzen Land über 9.000 Dörfer – viele davon wurden für immer ausgelöscht.
\n","date":"2024-11-12T10:28:47","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":83113}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/11/SKM_C45824101715190-1-1.jpg"}},"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Aliaksandr Dalhouski, Lukas Hennies, Christoph Rass","authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"/de/die-verbrannten-doerfer-von-belarus-1941-1944/","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/11/SKM_C45824101715190-1-1-300x212.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/11/SKM_C45824101715190-1-1-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/11/SKM_C45824101715190-1-1-768x543.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/11/SKM_C45824101715190-1-1-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/11/SKM_C45824101715190-1-1-900x636.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/11/SKM_C45824101715190-1-1.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/11/SKM_C45824101715190-1-1-300x212.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/11/SKM_C45824101715190-1-1-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/11/SKM_C45824101715190-1-1-768x543.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/11/SKM_C45824101715190-1-1-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/11/SKM_C45824101715190-1-1-900x636.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/11/SKM_C45824101715190-1-1.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[]},{"title":" „Dieses Buch zu lesen, fällt schwer. Unterträglich schwer.“","databaseId":160912,"excerpt":"
Die Slawistin Nina Weller über die Entstehung und Rezeption des Buches Feuerdörfer, das Literatur und Erinnerungskultur gleichermaßen veränderte.
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Das Buch Feuerdörfer von Ales Adamowitsch, Janka Bryl und Uladsimir Kalesnik ist über Generationen hinweg zu einem der prägendsten Werke der belarussischen Literatur geworden. Wir haben zeitgenössische Autorinnen, Schriftsteller und Lyrikerinnen aus Belarus gefragt, welche Bedeutung das Buch für sie hat.
Der Übersetzer Thomas Weiler hat das Buch Feuerdörfer, 50 Jahre nach der Erstveröffentlichung, erstmals aus dem Belarussischen ins Deutsche übertragen. Wir präsentieren einen Auszug aus seiner Übersetzung.
Nach 50 Jahren erscheint Feuerdörfer erstmals auf Deutsch. Das Buch über die Wehrmachtsverbrechen in Belarus erschütterte die sowjetische Gesellschaft – ein Special, unter anderem mit der Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexijewitsch.
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Ein dekoder-Gesopräch mit der belarussischen Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexjiewitsch über das Buch Feuerdörfer, ihren Mentor Ales Adamowitsch und über das menschliche Leiden in der Literatur.
Имя Кастуся Калиновского носит беларуский добровольческий полк, который сейчас воюет с российскими оккупантами в Украине. Им же была названа одна из советских партизанских бригад, сражавшихся против немецких захватчиков в годы Второй мировой войны. Кем был этот человек, ставший одним из главных героев беларуского исторического пантеона благодаря руководству восстанием 1863–1864 годов против Российской империи?
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Krieg gegen die Ukraine, Corona-Pandemie, internationaler Haftbefehl: Unsere Daten zeigen, wie sich die Auslandsreisen des russischen Präsidenten zwischen 2000 und 2024 verändert haben.
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Kastus Kalinouski war Anführer des Januaraufstands gegen das Zarenreich. Deswegen wird er als Kämpfer für die belarussische Unabhängigkeit verehrt, die Machthaber um Lukaschenko wollen ihn dagegen aus der Geschichte streichen. Viktor Schadurski über eine komplexe Figur im Zerrbild von Ideologie und Propaganda.
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Рассказываем, что обсуждали немецкие журналисты и эксперты перед началом чемпионата Европы по футболу — и к каким выводам пришли по его итогам.
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Seit zwei Jahren reist der Fotograf Ludwig Nikulski immer wieder an die Grenzen der Ukraine. Mit seiner Kamera beobachtet er, wie der Krieg das Grenzland verändert, das diesen Krieg vom Rest Europas trennt.
„Die Wand muss durchbrochen werden! Aber wie, wie durchbricht man sie?“ In der Kurzgeschichte Der Elefant aus dem Jahr 1985 erzählt der belarussische Schriftsteller Adam Hlobus vom Hunger der sowjetischen Jugend nach Freiheit und Nonkonformismus. Tina Wünschmann hat die Geschichte für unser Special erstmals ins Deutsche übersetzt.
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An einem bewölkten Augusttag 2016 taucht am Pirogowskaja Ufer in Sankt Petersburg ein Banner mit der Aufschrift „Ihr kreuzigt die Freiheit, doch die menschliche Seele kennt keine Fesseln“ auf. Ein Déjà Vu für Putin, falls er es gesehen hat: Vierzig Jahre zuvor hatte er als junger KGB-Offizier die Entfernung eben jener Inschrift veranlasst – damals […]
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Knete, Drucker, Kleidung – russischen Streetartists ist jedes Mittel recht, um ihre Botschaften zu verbreiten. Ihr Protest ist eindrücklich – und ungeahnt kreativ.
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Russische Streetart gegen den Krieg – Von Alleinkämpfern, einer transregionalen feministischen Bewegung und alltäglichen Widerstandspraktiken.
Erinnerungen, Traumata, ein aufziehender Bürgerkrieg: Darum geht es in dem Roman Libido des belarussischen Schriftstellers Illja Sin, der 2018 erschien. Wir präsentieren Auszüge aus der ausgezeichneten Antiutopie.
84 года назад завершилась советско-финляндская война. Поначалу полномасштабную агрессию России против Украины часто сравнивали именно с ней. Но эта война закончилась всего за три с лишним месяца.
In ihrem Buch Traumwerke aus dem Jahr 2011 stellt die belarussische Dichterin und Autorin Vera Burlak die Welt sprachlich und förmlich auf den Kopf – mit Text-Miniaturen, die Fantasiefunken sprühen lassen.
Woher stammt der Landesname Belarus? Wie hat er sich über die Jahrhunderte entwickelt? Meinte er immer das Land, das wir heute kennen? Der belarussische Historiker Viktor Schadurski reist mit uns in die faszinierende Geschichte eines komplexen Kulturraums.
В августе 2020 года Алексея Навального спасли в Германии от смерти в результате отравления. 16 февраля 2024 года он погиб в заполярной колонии — и это событие потрясло не только Россию.
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Alexej Nawalny entkam im August 2020 nur knapp dem Tod durch Vergiftung. Im Februar 2024 stirbt er in russischer Lagerhaft. Eine Chronologie der Ereignisse.
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Ein Gespräch mit Friederike Meltendorf über journalistisches Übersetzen.
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На исходе второго года агрессии против Украины создается впечатление, что антивоенный протест в России сошел на нет
Woher der Eindruck kommt, dass sich in Russland niemand gegen den Krieg einsetzt
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In Europa verkannt, in Belarus teilweise verboten: In unserem Special könnt ihr Kurzprosa und Geschichten von Autoren und Schriftstellerinnen klassischer und zeitgenössischer belarussischer Literatur entdecken – mit Illustrationen von Katsiaryna Dubovik.
Mit der Kurzgeschichte Zuhause debütierte Michas Stralzou im Jahr 1957. In dieser setzt sich der belarussisch-sowjetische Schriftsteller mit den Auswirkungen der Landflucht auseinander, die nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in der Belarussischen Sowjetrepublik einsetzte.
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Ein Auszug aus dem autobiografischen Roman Auf die schneebedeckte Insel von Anka Upala, in dem die Schriftstellerin von ihrem Aufenthalt in einer schwedischen Kleinstadt erzählt, wo sich das Leben sich in vielem von ihrem in Belarus unterscheidet.
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Die Erzählung Die Feldlerche von Zjotka stammt aus dem Jahr 1914. Sie ist von der Idee geprägt, dass man sie an einem kalten Winterabend mit der ganzen Familie lesen kann, und dabei nicht nur Belarus, sondern auch Natur und Dorfleben besser kennenlernt.
1. The illusion of truth In the early hours of 24 February 2022, Russian troops began a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, crossing the border and then heading at speed in the direction of Kyiv and Kharkiv, through Donbas and southern Ukraine towards Crimea, all the while launching missile strikes at targets across the country. News […]
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Viele Russinnen und Russen unterstützen den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Propaganda spielt dabei eine Schlüsselrolle. Wir haben mehr als drei Millionen Artikel der wichtigsten propagandistischen Nachrichtenagentur Russlands analysiert und daraus die Muster herausgelesen, nach denen Propaganda funktioniert.
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Как пропаганда заставила миллионы россиян поверить в то, что война — самый верный путь к миру. Дата-исследование «Новой газеты Европа» и декодера.
В сети пропаганды В 1999 году BBC выпустила на восьми тогда еще VHS-кассетах проект на русском языке о том, как делать телевидение. В последней части Владимир Познер разговаривает с известными в то время тележурналистами о профессиональной этике – что нужно, а что нельзя рассказывать людям? Можно ли с благими намерениями скрывать значимую информацию? Обязательно ли […]
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Что россияне думаю о войне против Украины? Многое говорит о том, что россияне в большинстве своем не хотели этой войны. Тем не менее, опросы и социологические эксперименты показывают, что после начала вторжения как минимум половина населения поддерживает как Путина, так и действия российской армии. По опросам Левады-Центра начиная с февраля 2022 – от 68 до […]
Wie funktioniert russische Propaganda? Welche Narrative werden verbreitet? Und wie schafft man damit hohe Zustimmungswerte für Putin und den Krieg gegen die Ukraine? Ergebnisse einer Daten-Recherche von dekoder, Novaya Gazeta Europe und Süddeutscher Zeitung.
У сваім эсэ беларускі пісьменнік Адам Свіргул тлумачыць, наколькі адкрыцці Курапатаў сфармавалі яго пакаленне і чаму ён лічыць памяць аб злачынствах сталінскага тэрору ключом да будучыні Беларусі.
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In seinem Essay erzählt der belarussische Autor Adam Swirgul, wie sehr die Entdeckungen von Kurapaty seine Generation prägten und warum er das Gedenken an die dortigen Verbrechen des Stalinschen Terrors für einen Schlüssel zur Zukunft von Belarus hält.
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Was wissen wir zu den Verbrechen, die in Kurapaty begangen wurden, und was nicht? Der Historiker Igor Kusnetzow über den schwierigen Weg der historischen Wahrheitsfindung zu einem der zentralen Orte des Stalinschen Terrors in Belarus.
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Dieser Artikel zu den Massengräbern in Kurapaty aus dem Jahr 1988 veränderte die belarussische Geschichte und Gesellschaft. Wir bringen den Artikel in einer vollständigen Neuübersetzung von Tina Wünschmann aus dem Belarussischen.
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Kurapaty ist ein Wendepunkt in der jüngeren belarussischen Geschichte. Als die Entdeckung von Massengräbern am nordwestlichen Rand der belarussischen Hauptstadt Minsk im Jahr 1988 bekannt wurde, ging ein Aufschrei durch die Gesellschaft. Wie konnte es passieren, dass Zehntausende Belarussen unter Stalin ermordet wurden? Warum wurde so lange über das Thema geschwiegen?
Kapitel 1. Das rote Gas Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat. Duis aute irure dolor in reprehenderit in voluptate velit esse cillum dolore eu fugiat […]
Was muss passieren, damit Russland nicht noch einmal die Chance auf eine demokratische Entwicklung verspielt? Aus dem Gefängnis heraus hat Alexej Nawalny eine Debatte darüber angestoßen, welche Lehren aus den Fehlern der 1990er Jahre gezogen werden müssen. dekoder stellt die interessantesten Beiträge vor.
Alexej Nawalny warnt davor, noch einmal demokratische Prinzipien zugunsten pragmatischer Lösungen aufzugeben.
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Es ist zu leicht, alle Schuld auf Putin und seine Beamten abzuwälzen: Auch die russische Gesellschaft muss sich unbequeme Fragen stellen, meint Maxim Trudoljubow auf Meduza.
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О проекте «Мы хотим быть свободными людьми», — под этим лозунгом 17 июня 1953 года больше миллиона жителей ГДР вышло на улицы в первом из серии выступлений против коммунистической диктатуры в Восточной Европе. Потребовалось больше трех десятилетий, чтобы после кровавого подавления восстания немцы и вместе с ними все восточные европейцы добились свободы. С этого момента […]
Ад пачатку агрэсіўнай фазы вайны Расіі ва Украіне, у якой Беларусь адыгрывае сваю катастрафічную ролю, пісьменьнік і паэт Альгерд Бахарэвіч апынуўся ва ўладзе балючага ўнутранага канфлікту.
Sie gilt als eine der meistgelesenen Online-Ressourcen in Russland: die Nachrichtenagentur RIA Nowosti. Wir haben mehr als drei Millionen ihrer Artikel analysiert. Worüber das Medium in den vergangenen 21 Jahren wie oft berichtet, zeigt unser Tool.
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Mehrere Tausende Söldner, mit Panzern und Artillerie ausgerüstet, besetzen die Millionenstadt Rostow am Don und marschieren gen Moskau. Eine Chronologie der Ereignisse und Hintergründe zum Militär-Aufstand der Wagner-Truppen am 23. und 24. Juni.
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Wie die Protestgeschichte der Ukraine zum Widerstand gegen den russischen Angriffskrieg beiträgt
Mit dem Ende der Diktaturen in Osteuropa glaubten viele, das demokratische Zeitalter breche an. Die Autokratien wurden jedoch zahlreicher und repressiver, heute kämpfen Millionen für ihre Freiheit. Manche gewinnen, die anderen scheitern. Können Freiheitsbewegungen voneinander lernen?
Als Belarus mit dem Ende der Sowjetunion im Jahr 1991 die Unabhängigkeit erlangte, forcierte sich auch die Suche nach einer nationalen Identität und einer eigenen Geschichtsschreibung. Abseits sowjetischer Narrative und Doktrine. In dieser Zeit des Aufbruchs wurde das Großfürstentum Litauen sozusagen einer der Dreh- und Angelpunkte dieser Suche. In seinem Beitrag beschreibt der belarussische Philosoph Ihar Babkou die Rolle des Großfürstentums für die damaligen Hoffnungen und Sehnsüchte der Belarussen.
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Die Schlacht bei Orscha im Jahr 1514 ist eines der bedeutenden Ereignisse für das Großfürstentum Litauen. Ein Ereignis, das bis heute Fragen aufwirft und auch prägend für die nationale Identität der Belarussen ist. Hienadź Sahanovič, als Historiker einer der Experten für diese kriegerische Auseinandersetzung, erklärt die Hintergründe der Schlacht, ihre politischen Folgen und ihre Bedeutung für die Gegenwart.
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Polen und Belarus teilen eine über Jahrhunderte verbundene Geschichte. Vor allem durch die gemeinsame Zugehörigkeit zum Großfürstentum Litauen und zur polnisch-litauischen Adelsrepublik. Es ist eine Geschichte, die nicht immer unproblematisch war und sich seit 1991 mitunter auf die Beziehungen zwischen beiden Ländern auswirkt. Diese beleuchtet der polnische Politologe Kamil Kłysiński in seinem Beitrag.
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Die Litauer waren eine der ersten Nationen, die sich mit den belarussischen Protesten im Jahr 2020 solidarisierten. Als tausende Belarussen im Zuge der Repressionen aus ihrem Land flüchten mussten, nahm Litauen diese Flüchtlinge aus dem Nachbarland bereitwillig auf. Die gemeinsame Geschichte, die das baltische Land mit Belarus teilt, geht vor allem auf die Zeit des Großfürstentums zurück. Der Historiker und Politologe Andrzej Pukszto erörtert in seinem Beitrag die Herausforderungen dieser Vergangenheit für die litauisch-belarussischen Beziehungen.
\n","date":"2023-05-12T09:58:37","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":39463}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Andrzej Pukszto"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"hleba-font","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"belarus-grossfuerstentum-litauen/litauen-belarus","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/05/338005403_168745789393589_128788552801174028_n-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/05/338005403_168745789393589_128788552801174028_n-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/05/338005403_168745789393589_128788552801174028_n-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/05/338005403_168745789393589_128788552801174028_n-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/05/338005403_168745789393589_128788552801174028_n-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/05/338005403_168745789393589_128788552801174028_n.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/05/338005403_168745789393589_128788552801174028_n-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/05/338005403_168745789393589_128788552801174028_n-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/05/338005403_168745789393589_128788552801174028_n-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/05/338005403_168745789393589_128788552801174028_n-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/05/338005403_168745789393589_128788552801174028_n-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/05/338005403_168745789393589_128788552801174028_n.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[]},{"title":"Die ruthenische Sprache im Großfürstentum Litauen","databaseId":83917,"excerpt":"
Ruthenisch? Schon mal gehört? Nein? Kein Problem. Michael Moser, Sprachwissenschaftler an der Universität Wien, erklärt die Ursprünge und Mysterien einer Sprache, die als Kanzleisprache des Großfürstentum Litauens zu Ruhm gelangte und die nicht selten zu einer Art „Alt-Belarusisch” vereinfacht wird.
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Das Großfürstentum Litauen war einer der größten Staaten der Erde. Er erstreckte sich von der Ostsee bis zum Schwarzen Meer. Die multikulturelle und in vielfacher Hinsicht grenzüberwindende Faszination dieses Herrschaftsgebietes hat auch die polnische Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Olga Tokarczuk zu ihrem opus magnum „Die Jakobsbücher“ inspiriert.
Как церковь, пострадавшая от советского авторитаризма, стала провозвестницей российского
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Как гуманитарные науки помогли путинской пропаганде
О проекте 24 февраля 2022 года для многих стало днем, когда «история вернулась»: решения политиков и военных вновь определяют судьбы стран и народов на десятилетия вперед, а сама путинская агрессия против Украины служит страшным напоминанием о завоевательных войнах XIX и XX веков. «Конец истории» был провозглашен американским философом Фрэнсисом Фукуямой в начале 1990-х, когда он […]
Wie Russland in den 1990er Jahren Grundlagen für die autoritäre Wende schuf
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Warum der Föderalismus zum unvollendeten Projekt wurde und Sollbruchstellen in Putins Machtvertikale systemisch sind
Wie die Tschekisten die Demokratisierung überstanden
\n","date":"2023-04-28T08:34:18","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":39129}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Evgenia Lezina"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"anfang-der-geschichte/elitenkontinuitaet","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":null,"titleVideoPoster":null,"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":"#f9f871"},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":84539}]},{"title":"Der Anfang der Geschichte","databaseId":82883,"excerpt":"
Die russische Aggression gegen die Ukraine ist auch eine Folge der autoritären Wende Russlands unter Putin. Wie hat er aber seine sogenannte Machtvertikale überhaupt aufbauen können? War es wirklich ein Bruch mit den 1990er Jahren, die heute vielerorts als eine „Zeit der Freiheit“ gelten? dekoder hat sechs Wissenschaftler gebeten, Essays über dieses Jahrzehnt zu verfassen: über das „Ende der Geschichte“, und deren Anfang.
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Seit gut einem Jahr führt Russland Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Das bedeutet auch den (zum Teil unwiederbringlichen) Verlust kultureller Güter. Museen wurden in Mitleidenschaft gezogen, Bibliotheken zerstört, ukrainische Kunstschätze geraubt und nach Russland gebracht. Warum auch Kulturgüter zu den Zielen der russischen Angriffe gehören und wie schwer die Schäden wiegen, das beleuchtet das aktuelle FAQ #10.
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Das ultimative Belarus-Quiz: Seit 2020 entschlüsselt dekoder auch Belarus. Es wird Zeit, Dein erworbenes Wissen zu testen.
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„Es ist alles nicht so eindeutig“ – das ist eine der häufigsten Phrasen in Russland, wenn es um den russischen Angriffskrieg in der Ukraine geht. Vier Wissenschaftlerinnen beschreiben Propaganda-Narrative und die Manipulation von Fakten in russischen Medien und erklären, warum dem so viele Glauben schenken.
Es sollte eine rasche Militäroperation werden. Daraus wurde jedoch ein großflächiger, verlustreicher Abnutzungskrieg: Historiker Michael Jonas über den finnisch-sowjetischen Winterkrieg 1939/40.
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Die Kriegsfront hat sich auch in die Welt der Zeichen und Symbole verlagert – in Russland wie in der Ukraine. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger stellen Symbole, Zeichen und Begriffe der ukrainischen Subversion und Gegenwehr vor.
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Eine belarussische Weihnachtsgeschichte von Lavon Volski.
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Die russische Gesellschaft scheint immer noch geeint hinter Putin zu stehen. Sollten nicht spätestens seit der Mobilmachung starke Zweifel am Krieg und an der politischen Führung aufkommen? Seit dem Rückzug aus Cherson? Kann die Stimmung kippen, wenn nicht in der Bevölkerung, dann vielleicht unter den Eliten?
Переводчики дают книгам и текстам новую жизнь в новых языках. Довольно обидно, когда люди ведут себя так, будто бы переводчиков не существует в природе, словно все они — невидимки. Как и где можно заметить работу переводчицы — рассказывает Лариса Шиппель с точки зрения науки о переводе.
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Подробный разбор перевода — большая редкость в практике перевода журналистики. Анна Шибарова предприняла такую попытку и открывает в своем метатексте новые слои оригинала и перевода.
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Мем с кошечками завирусился в русскоязычном интернете. А можно перевести игру слов? Ирина Знаменская задала этот вопрос в фейсбуке. Саша Харитонский написал об этом пост, а Дженни Зейц перевела его на немецкий. Дополнение Александры Берлиной отвечает на вопрос: Что такое мемы?
Что увидит переводчик, если заглянет сам себе через плечо? Какие вопросы он себе задаст? С кем поведет внутренний диалог? Хартмут Шрёдер прибегнул в процессе перевода к старому культурному приему, а именно к ведению дневника – и предоставил нам результат.
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Рут Альтенхофер изучает собственные переводы интервью для dekoder, обнажая свои приемы и цели: «Создать у читателей и читательниц dekoder, даже не понимающих по-русски, ощущение, что они присутствуют при разговоре»
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Что такое перевод журналистики? Где им занимаются? В большинстве СМИ переводят лишь изредка, отдельные материалы — а для dekoder это несущая идея, его насущный хлеб. И как же это устроено в реальности? И что об этом думают переводчики и переводчицы, редакторки и редакторы?
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Политкорректность не стала нормой в русском языке. Что же делать, если при переводе текста приходится об этом задумываться? Сделать вид, что проблемы нет? И тем самым, в сущности, отказать в переводе автору или его героям? Нет, это не выход, говорит Мария Райер, которая выступает за прозрачность и право голоса для всех.
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Какие сложности мы преодолеваем, переводя журналистские тексты? Какие из них связаны с конкретным текстом, а какие встречаются постоянно, меняя только образ/текст/текстуру? Хенриетте Рейснер предложила несколько тезисов, которые мы обсудили в нашей мастерской Neustart.
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Как задумывался этот спецпроект и что за ним стоит.
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Александра Берлина о звездочках, фигах в кармане и других формах протеста, а также о сложном вопросе: как переводить антивоенную символику?
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На что способны эссе? Как они устроены? На что нужно обращать внимание, чтобы они не проигрывали в переводе? Анья Шлоссбергер-Оберхаммер о переводе журналисткого жанра, столько важного для неспокойных времен именно тем, что он никого не пытается переубедить.
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Журналистские тексты меняются со временем и в зависимости от того, где, как и в каком контексте они публикуются. Репортажи «Новой газеты» здесь не исключение. Как эти изменения проявляются в переводе? Ирина Бондас отправляется в путешествие между текстами, временами и языками.
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How the special took shape and what lies behind it
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What does journalistic translation involve and where does it happen? Whereas most media outlets only occasionally have a piece translated, translation is fundamental to the entire concept of dekoder. How does something like that work? And what does it mean for translators and editors?
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The Russian language is not, in the narrower meaning of the term, politically correct. What does a translator do when faced with such aspects in a text? Pretend they aren’t there? And perhaps, by doing so, do an injustice to the authors and protagonists? That is certainly not the answer, says Maria Rajer, who calls for transparency and self-empowerment in translation work.
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between culture, politics and aesthetics
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What can essays do? How do they do it? And what has to be kept in mind when they are being translated to ensure that they will still be able to do it in the other language? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer on the translation of a journalistic form whose importance in times of turmoil lies in the fact that it does not seek to convince its readers of something.
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Ruth Altenhofer observed herself translating interviews for dekoder in order to figure out just what it is she is doing when she translates. And she concluded: “I make sure that dekoder readers who cannot understand Russian feel like they are sitting right there at the table during the conversation.” Here, she tells us how.
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The close-reading of a translation is not often done with journalistic translations. Together with her students, Anna Shibarova did just that – and her metatext opens up new layers of a text and its translation.
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It is thanks to translators that there are texts in languages and cultures that they did not originate in. So it is annoying when people behave as though translators don’t exist, as sometimes happens. But where can and should translators be visible? Larissa Schippel addresses the question from a translation theory perspective.
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If a translator looks over his own shoulder as he translates, what does he see? What does he ask himself? And with whom does he argue? Hartmut Schröder adopted a venerable cultural technique while working on a translation: journal-keeping. And then he let us have it.
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A cat meme goes viral on the Russian-language Internet. On Facebook, university lecturer Irina Znamenskaya asked – how can the language-based joke be translated? Sasha Kharitonski responded in a post which Zachary King translated into English. Alexandra Berlina’s addendum seeks to answer the question: What are memes, actually?
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Journalistic texts change over time and with the setting, manner and context in which they appear. Novaya Gazeta’s reportage is an example. How is this manifest during translation? Irina Bondas sets out on a path through texts, times and languages.
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What challenges do we encounter when translating journalistic texts – which of these are text-specific, and which crop up repeatedly, just in different garb. Henriette Reisner on topics discussed in our Neustart workshop.
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Alexandra Berlina on asterisks, figs in the pocket and other forms of protest, as well as the difficult question of how to translate signals and anti-war symbolism.
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Die 1990er Jahre waren revolutionär für die belarussische Musik: Eine Zeit der mutigen Experimente und die Geburtsstunde eines echten, gesunden belarussischen Showbusiness. Eine Hommage von Nasha Niva.
Rebellion durch Sprache: In der Kultur der Rock- und Alternativmusik nimmt das Belarussische seit den 1980er Jahren eine bedeutende Stellung ein. Wir haben einige belarussische Kulturpersönlichkeiten befragt, wie sie zum Belarussischen gekommen sind und warum sie die Sprache für ihre Musik oder ihre Arbeit zu verwenden begannen.
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Aus dem digitalen Fotoarchiv der Musik-Zeitung, das mit dem Aufkommen erschwinglicher Digitalkameras um das Jahr 2000 seinen Anfang nahm, zeigen wir eine Auswahl an Fotos aus jener Zeit, in der die belarussische Rockmusik tonangebend und stilprägend war.
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Zs und Vs auf Autos, Panzern und öffentlichen Plätzen – der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine wird auch auf Ebene der Codes, Symbole und Zeichen geführt. Doch derer bedient sich nicht nur die russische Propaganda, sondern auch die Protestbewegung in Russland. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger mit einer Momentaufnahme dieser coded language und ausgewählten Beispielen – in Wort und Bild.
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Der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine ist auch ein Krieg der Symbole. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger zeigen ausgewählte Beispiele – in Wort und Bild.
\n","date":"2022-11-03T11:14:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":285},{"databaseId":34961}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Elisabeth Bauer"},{"name":"Yelizaveta Landenberger"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":310,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"coded-language","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/11/We_Stand_with_Ukraine_2022_Helsinki_-_Finland_51905452481-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/11/We_Stand_with_Ukraine_2022_Helsinki_-_Finland_51905452481-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/11/We_Stand_with_Ukraine_2022_Helsinki_-_Finland_51905452481-768x512.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/11/We_Stand_with_Ukraine_2022_Helsinki_-_Finland_51905452481-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/11/We_Stand_with_Ukraine_2022_Helsinki_-_Finland_51905452481-900x600.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/11/We_Stand_with_Ukraine_2022_Helsinki_-_Finland_51905452481.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/11/We_Stand_with_Ukraine_2022_Helsinki_-_Finland_51905452481-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/11/We_Stand_with_Ukraine_2022_Helsinki_-_Finland_51905452481-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/11/We_Stand_with_Ukraine_2022_Helsinki_-_Finland_51905452481-768x512.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/11/We_Stand_with_Ukraine_2022_Helsinki_-_Finland_51905452481-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/11/We_Stand_with_Ukraine_2022_Helsinki_-_Finland_51905452481-900x600.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/11/We_Stand_with_Ukraine_2022_Helsinki_-_Finland_51905452481.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[]},{"title":"Gegenwart übersetzen – journalistische Texte im Wandel von Zeit und Kontext","databaseId":74123,"excerpt":"
Journalistische Texte verändern sich über die Zeit und in Abhängigkeit davon, wo und wie und in welchem Kontext sie erscheinen. Die Reportagen der Novaya Gazeta sind ein Beispiel dafür Wie macht sich das beim Übersetzen bemerkbar? Irina Bondas begibt sich auf den Weg zwischen Texte, Zeiten und Sprachen.
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Was heißt journalistisches Übersetzen und wo findet es statt? Während in den meisten Medien oft nur einzelne Beiträge übersetzt werden, ist das Übersetzen bei dekoder ein tragender Teil des Konzepts. Wie funktioniert so etwas? Und was bedeutet das für Übersetzer:innen und Redakteur:innen?
\n","date":"2022-09-28T10:34:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":34619}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Anselm Bühling"},{"name":"Olga Radetzkaja"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":"Anselm Bühling hat Slawistik und Philosophie an der Freien Universität Berlin studiert und übersetzt seit 1996 aus dem Englischen und Russischen – unter anderem Michail Chodorkowski, Masha Gessen und Joshua Yaffa. Seit 2016 ist er beim Online-Literaturmagazin tell aktiv.\r\n\r\nOlga Radetzkaja hat Slawistik und Komparatistik studiert. Sie übersetzt aus dem Russischen; zu ihren Autoren gehören unter anderem Lew Tolstoi, Julius Margolin, Jewgeni Wodolaskin und Olga Slawnikowa. Sie ist Co-Autorin des Dokumentarfilms Spurwechsel. Ein Film vom Übersetzen (2003) und arbeitet seit 2008 als Redakteurin bei der Zeitschrift OSTEUROPA.","authorImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/anselm_buehling.png"}},"bodyClass":"translate-journalism","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"journalismus-uebersetzen/arbeit-am-sinn","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":null,"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":80755},{"databaseId":81379}]},{"title":"Journalismus übersetzen","databaseId":74081,"excerpt":"
zwischen Kultur, Politik und Ästhetik
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Dank Übersetzern gibt es Texte in jeweils anderen Sprachen und Kulturen. Da ist es ärgerlich, wenn manche so tun, als gäbe es sie nicht. An welchen Stellen also können und sollten die Übersetzer:innen sichtbar werden? Das beleuchtet Larisa Schippel aus übersetzungswissenschaftlicher Perspektive.
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Welchen Herausforderungen begegnen wir beim Übersetzen journalistischer Texte – was davon ist spezifisch und was begegnet uns immer wieder, nur in unterschiedlichen Kleidern/Texten/in unterschiedlicher Textur? Henriette Reisner mit Thesen, die wir im Neustart-Workshop diskutierten.
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Alexandra Berlina über Sternchen, Hosentaschenfeigen und andere Protestformen sowie die schwierige Frage: Wie übersetzt man Zeichen und Antikriegssymbolik?
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Ein Kätzchen-Meme geht viral im russischsprachigen Internet. Wie kann man den Sprachwitz übersetzen?, fragte die Dozentin Irina Snamenskaja auf Facebook. In einem Post hat sich Sascha Charitonski dazu Gedanken gemacht, Jennie Seitz hat ihn ins Deutsche übersetzt. Alexandra Berlina fragt im Nachtrag: Was sind eigentlich Memes?
\n","date":"2022-09-28T10:25:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":34619}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Alexandra Berlina"},{"name":"Jennie Seitz"},{"name":"Sascha Charitonski"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"translate-journalism","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"journalismus-uebersetzen/wie-man-einem-auslaender-einen-witz-erklaert","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":null,"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Seitz-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Seitz-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Seitz-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Seitz-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Seitz-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Seitz.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":80821},{"databaseId":81467}]},{"title":"Ein Interview lebt vom Sprechen oder: Wie übersetze ich Interviews?","databaseId":74181,"excerpt":"
Ruth Altenhofer beobachtet ihre eigenen Interview-Übersetzungen für dekoder und kommt dabei ihrem Tun auf die Schliche: „Ich sorge dafür, dass dekoder-LeserInnen, die kein Russisch verstehen, das Gefühl haben, mit am Tisch zu sitzen.“ Hier beschreibt sie, wie sie das macht.
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Wenn ein Übersetzer sich selbst über die Schulter und auf die Finger schaut, was sieht er da? Welche Fragen stellt er sich? Und mit wem diskutiert er? Hartmut Schröder hat während einer Übersetzung zu einer alten Kulturtechnik gegriffen, nämlich Tagebuch geschrieben – und es uns überlassen.
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Close-Reading einer Übersetzung – das kommt im journalistischen Übersetzen nicht oft vor. Anna Shibarowa tat es und eröffnet durch ihren Metatext neue Schichten eines Textes und seiner Übersetzung.
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Was können Essays? Und wie machen sie das? Und was muss man beim Übersetzen beachten, damit sie es in der anderen Sprache auch noch tun? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer über das Übersetzen einer journalistischen Form, die in unruhigen Zeiten wichtig ist, weil sie nicht überzeugen will.
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Politisch korrekt im engeren Sinne ist die russische Sprache nicht. Was macht eine Übersetzerin, die mit solchen Aspekten im Text konfrontiert ist? So tun, als wäre nichts? Und damit Autoren und Protagonisten womöglich nicht gerecht werden? Das ist bestimmt keine Lösung, so Maria Rajer, die für Transparenz und Selbstermächtigung beim Übersetzen plädiert.
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Wie das Special entstanden ist und was dahinter steckt.
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Russlands Präsident Wladimir Putin eskaliert den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. In den russisch besetzten Teilen der Ukraine sind vermeintliche „Referenden“ über einen Beitritt zu Russland angekündigt. Warum das keine echten Referenden sind und inwiefern das Vorgehen Teil der russischen Kriegsführung ist – das erklären die Wissenschaftlerinnen Cindy Wittke und Gwendolyn Sasse.
Das Kernkraftwerk Saporishshja – das leistungsstärkste AKW in Europa – liegt im Kriegsgebiet in der Ukraine. Es ist von der russischen Armee besetzt, so etwas hat es bisher nicht gegeben. Wie groß ist die Gefahr für einen Reaktorunfall? Kann es ein zweites Tschernobyl geben?
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беларуская мифология
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Seit dem 24. Februar 2022 führt Russland einen offenen Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine. Wie rechtfertigt Putin diesen Krieg? Wie leistet die Ukraine Widerstand? Und wo liegen die Chancen der Diplomatie? Dazu schreiben Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler in unserem FAQ
«Украина переживет эту войну, как пережила Голодомор, массовые депортации крестьян и гонения на украинских диссидентов. Украина переживет и выстоит». Украинский писатель Андрей Курков рассказывает о Дне Независимости своей страны — ровно через полгода после начала полномасштабного вторжения России в Украину.
Am 24. August feiert die Ukraine traditionell ihre Unabhängigkeit, auf die es Russland nicht erst mit dem vor sechs Monaten losgetretenen Angriffskrieg abgesehen hat. Was bedeutet der Krieg für das Unabhängigkeitsgefühl der Ukrainer? Und wie blicken die den Ukrainern verbundenen Belarussen auf den Feiertag? Darüber schreiben die beiden Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow und Alhierd Bacharevič.
Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, bei dem auch Belarus eine unheilvolle Rolle spielt, sieht sich der Schriftsteller und Lyriker Alhierd Bacharevič einer schmerzhaften Zerrissenheit ausgeliefert.
„Die Ukraine wird diesen Krieg überleben.” Davon ist der ukrainische Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow überzeugt. Seit Beginn der großen russischen Invasion vor einem halben Jahr beschäftigt er sich nicht mehr mit der Fiktion seiner Romane, sondern damit, der Welt die Geschichte und Kultur seines Landes näherzubringen.
Im Krieg gegen die Ukraine steht der belarussische Machthaber Alexander Lukaschenko an der Seite des russischen Präsidenten Putin. Doch bislang sind keine seiner Truppen beteiligt. Warum hilft er Putin? Was hat er zu gewinnen, was zu verlieren? Und was bedeutet das für seinen eigenen Machterhalt?
Das war der Stand nach drei Monaten Krieg: Wie lief der Krieg bis dato ab? Wie leistet die ukrainische Armee Widerstand? Und wie groß ist die Gefahr einer atomaren Eskalation?
Kurz nach dem Angriff auf die Hauptstadt Kiew bot der ukrainische Präsident Selensky eine Neutralität seines Landes an – allerdings geknüpft an Bedingungen. \nWas kann eine neutrale Ukraine denn theoretisch überhaupt heißen? Und wäre das so eine einfache Lösung, wie es klingt?
Die Hoffnung lag von Beginn an auf der Diplomatie. Doch wie sind die Chancen auf einen möglichen Waffenstillstand? Kann nicht doch die UNO helfen? Warum ist es so schwierig, mit Putin an den Verhandlungstisch zu gehen?
Wie hat Wladimir Putin den Angriff auf Kiew und die großflächige Invasion am 24. Februar 2022 begonnen? Und mit welchen Propaganda-Formeln versucht er, ihn legitim erscheinen zu lassen?
Vorgehen gegen „ausländische Agenten“ in Medien und Zivilgesellschaft, Memorial International aufgelöst, Alexej Nawalny im Straflager … 2021 – ein Jahr des Shifts in Russland.
У Беларусі святкуюць каталіцкае і праваслаўнае Раство, знітаваны з савецкім мінулым Новы год і – Каляды. У гэтай кароткай гнозе мы тлумачым, што гэта за старажытная традыцыя і адкуль яна паходзіць.
In Belarus wird das katholische und orthodoxe Weihnachten gefeiert, dazu das aus der Sowjetunion stammende Neujahr und: Kaljady. In dieser kurzen Gnose erklären wir, was es mit diesem archaischen Weihnachtsfest auf sich hat und woher es stammt.
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Жыла сабе адна краіна. Жыла як усе — то добра, то ня вельмі. Жыхары ейныя былі працавітыя ды руплівыя — сеялі, жалі, будавалі, пісалі кнігі, сьпявалі песьні, нараджалі дзяцей. Адно было ў гэтай краіне ня так, як ва ўсіх — ня мела яна караля. Ну, ня мела й ня мела. Зьбіралася двойчы на год рада […]
\n","date":"2021-12-24T07:53:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":27091},{"databaseId":39015}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":"Лявон Вольскі (сапраўднае імя — Леанід Артуравіч Зэйдэль-Вольскі, нар. у 1965 г.) беларускі рок-музыка, літаратар, мастак. Адзін з найважнейшых культурных дзеячоў Беларусі. З пачатку 1980-х гг. шырока вядомы як заснавальнік шэрага гуртоў і праектаў, якія карыстаюцца вялікай папулярнасцю, у тым ліку хард-рок-гурту „Мроя“, панк-рок-гурту „N.R.M.“ і фольк-ска-праекта „Крамбамбуля“. Цягам кіравання Аляксандра Лукашэнкі выступы гуртоў Вольскага неаднаразова забараняліся.","authorImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/239466373_375671547262581_5584827354016171525_n.jpg"}},"bodyClass":"hleba-font","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":260,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"kalyady","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":{"node":{"mediaItemUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady.mp4"}},"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"be"},"translations":[{"databaseId":61335}]},{"title":"S Kaljadami! Weihnachten auf Belarussisch","databaseId":61335,"excerpt":"
Weihnachten auf Belarussisch
\n","date":"2021-12-24T07:50:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":285},{"databaseId":39007}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":"Lavon Volski (bürgerlich: Leanid Seidel-Wolski, geb. 1965) ist ein belarussischer Rockmusiker, Autor und Künstler. Er gilt als eine der wichtigsten Kulturpersönlichkeiten seines Landes. Seit Beginn der 1980er Jahre hat er zahlreiche Bands und Musikprojekte gegründet, die es zu großer Bekanntheit gebracht haben, beispielsweise die Hardrock-Formation Mroja (dt. Träume), die Punkband N.R.M. (dt. Die unabhängige Republik der Träume) oder das Folk-Ska-Ensemble Krambambulya. Seit Beginn von Alexander Lukaschenkos Präsidentschaft wurden Auftritte von Volskis Bands immer wieder verboten.","authorImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/239466373_375671547262581_5584827354016171525_n.jpg"}},"bodyClass":"hleba-font","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":260,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"kaljady","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":{"node":{"mediaItemUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady.mp4"}},"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/na_kaljady_poster2.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":61349}]},{"title":"Anders sein – Dissens in der Sowjetunion","databaseId":49835,"excerpt":"","date":"2021-12-10T12:36:36","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":285}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":250,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"https://dissident.dekoder.org/de","translator":null,"pageType":["default"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":null,"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":68773}]},{"title":"Меркель, Россия, Путин","databaseId":38121,"excerpt":"
16 лет германо-российских отношений. Правление Меркель в фотографиях — с комментариями Кати Глогер.
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16 Jahre deutsch-russische Beziehungen. Ein Rückblick auf Merkels Kanzlerschaft in Bildern – mit Texten von Katja Gloger.
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Die Beichte eines ehemaligen Sankt Petersburger Beamten und gleichzeitig eine philosophische Erzählung über die menschliche Natur, über Wünsche und Begierden und das Zusammenspiel von Vernunft und Willen
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Von seinen Zeitgenossen nicht allzu hoch geschätzt und von den Modernisten rehabilitiert, die darin keine wirre, holprige Erzählung sehen, sondern einen komplexen Text über einen Propheten in der modernen Welt
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27 февраля 2014 года вооруженные бойцы спецназа РФ, одетые в форму без знаков различия, заняли здание парламента в Симферополе. Председатель совета министров Автономной республики Крым Анатолий Могилев был смещен и заменен депутатом Сергеем Аксеновым из небольшой пророссийской партии «Русское единство». Этому предшествовали месяцы протестов на Евромайдане в Киеве и других городах Украины: люди выступали за […]
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Eine Reise in die Zeit, als mehrere tausend Kilometer lange Pipelines gebaut wurden – und man noch glaubte, mit Gashandel Völker verbinden und diplomatische Spannungen überbrücken zu können.
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Es ist das Jahr 2021. Der Krieg im Osten der Ukraine dauert bereits 7 Jahre. Doch in Deutschland gilt Russland immer noch als verlässlicher Handelspartner. Die Hauptware ist: Gas.
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Deutschland kauft russisches Gas in großen Mengen – über 50 Prozent kommen aus Russland. Die Hauptroute ist zu der Zeit – Nord Stream 1. Die zweite Pipeline Nord Stream 2 ist auch bald fertig.
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So könnte es weitergehen. Doch dann beginnt Russland den vollumfänglichen Krieg gegen die Ukraine.
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Der Stopp der Gaslieferungen ist nun nur eine Frage der Zeit.
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Am 30. August 2022 ist es soweit: Auf der russischen Seite wird der Hahn abgedreht. Einen Monat später werden die Pipelines gesprengt. Damit ist der direkte Gashandel zwischen Deutschland und Russland erst einmal Geschichte – eine ein halbes Jahrhundert lange und spannende Geschichte mit vielen Wendungen.
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Diese Geschichte erzählen wir.
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Wie das russische Gas nach Deutschland kam
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Eine Reise in die Zeit, als mehrere tausend Kilometer lange Pipelines gebaut wurden – und man noch glaubte, mit Gashandel Völker verbinden und diplomatische Spannungen überbrücken zu können.
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Kapitel 1. Das „rote Gas”
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Jede Geschichte hat einen Anfang. Unsere Geschichte führt uns an einen speziellen Ort, der erstmal sehr wenig mit Erdgas und internationalem Energiehandel zu tun hat – in die Hamburger Laeiszhalle, damals der zentrale Konzertsaal der Freien und Hansestadt.
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Am 6. Juni 1967 strömen viele Menschen zu einem Konzert. Der Parkplatz vor dem Konzerthaus – heute eine Fußgängerzone – ist voll mit Autos … Es ist Juni, aber es herrscht typisches Hamburger Schmuddelwetter – es ist bedeckt, nieselt und es weht ein frischer Wind, Höchsttemperatur 13 Grad. Viele tragen Mäntel und Hüte. Es soll ein Konzert geben – die Hamburger Philharmoniker spielen die Ouvertüre aus Wagners Fliegendem Holländer. Doch anders als sonst ist das Publikum mehrheitlich männlich. Denn es geht an dem Abend nicht nur um Musik. Über dem Eingang ist ein Banner angebracht: „10. Internationaler Kongress der Gasindustrie\" mit dem brandneuen Logo der International Gas Union – IGU.
In der Laeiszhalle wird heute also nicht nur musiziert, sondern auch gesprochen. Es treten Georg Düwel auf – der damalige Präsident der Union, Gerhard Woratz – Ministerialdirektor des deutschen Ministeriums für Wirtschaft und von der Seite der Stadt Hamburg Helmuth Kern – der Senator für Wirtschaft und Verkehr. Auf die Bühne kommt aber noch ein Gast – Alexej Sorokin, stellvertretender Minister der Gasindustrie der Sowjetunion.
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Die Gas Union gibt es seit 1931, aber die Sowjetunion ist ihr erst 1958 beigetreten. Auf den Kongressen war sie auch bis jetzt nie gut vertreten. 1958 schickt sie vier Delegierte, 1961 – sechs, 1964 – 17. 1967 ändert sich die Situation radikal. Im Juni 1967 legt in Hamburg das Linienschiff der sowjetischen staatlichen Ostseereederei Michail Kalinin an und bringt mehr als 150 Experten und weitere Repräsentanten mit, insgesamt ca. 300 Personen – es ist diesmal die größte Delegation nach dem Gastgeber – Westdeutschland.
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Im schicken neuen, betongrauen Hamburg Congress Center werden in den folgenden Tagen sowjetische Experten mehrere Vorträge halten, vor allem über die Erfolge der sowjetischen Gasindustrie der letzten 50 Jahre – wohlgemerkt jährt sich 1967 die Oktoberrevolution zum 50. Mal. Die Erfolge sind bis dahin mäßig (dazu etwas später). Doch für das Staunen der Welt sollen nicht die technischen Fortschritte der Sowjetunion sorgen.
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Am 25. Oktober (7. November) 1917 stürzten die Bolschewiki die Provisorische Regierung, die nach der Februarrevolution eingesetzt wurde. Die Machtübernahme in Petrograd erfolgte ohne viel Blutvergießen, jedoch schloss sich ihr ein mehrjähriger Bürgerkrieg mit Millionen Todesopfern an. Zahlreiche westeuropäische Staaten unterstützten den Widerstand gegen die Bolschewiki auch militärisch. So nahm die Geschichte der UdSSR ihren Anfang. Mehr dazu: Oktoberrevolution 1917
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Am letzten Tag des Kongresses tritt Alexej Sorokin auf einer Pressekonferenz auf und erklärt, die UdSSR besitze Gasreserven von 60.000 Milliarden Kubikmeter
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Am letzten Tag des Kongresses tritt Alexej Sorokin auf einer Pressekonferenz auf und erklärt, die UdSSR besitze Gasreserven von 60.000 Milliarden Kubikmeter. Sorokin spricht Russisch und wird simultan gedolmetscht. Der Dolmetscher ist verblüfft und fragt beim Redner nach, ob er richtig gehört habe und ob es sich nicht um 6000 Milliarden handeln würde. Doch der Dolmetscher hat richtig gehört. Damit lässt die Sowjetunion die USA weit hinter sich zurück, deren Gasreserven damals auf 8000 Milliarden Kubikmeter geschätzt werden.
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Sorokin erklärt auch, sie hätten Gas für die ganze Welt und würden bereits mit Österreich, Italien, Frankreich und Japan verhandeln. Sie verteilen Werbebroschüren an die anwesenden Vertreter der Gasindustrie aus aller Welt und unternehmen dann eine Werbetour durch Deutschland und Europa.
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Der Zeitpunkt dafür ist sehr günstig.
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Eine lange Zeit spielte Gas in der sowjetischen Wirtschaft eigentlich keine Rolle. Zum einen waren die Lagerstätten nicht bekannt und Bohrtechnologie nicht existent. Zum anderen romantisieren die Bolschewiki die anderen Energieträger, vor allem die Elektrizität aus Wasserkraftwerken und Kohle.
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Der Bau gigantischer Staudämme zur Erzeugung von Wasserkraft symbolisierte die Macht der Bolschewiki, die Naturgewalten zu bezwingen.
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In den 1930er Jahren war der Grubenarbeiter, der Kohle abbaute, ein Held. Rund um die Erschließung von alten und neuen Kohlenbecken ließen sich auch hunderttausende Menschen mobilisieren. Der Kohleabbau stieg somit kontinuierlich von knapp 9 Millionen Tonnen 1920 auf über 500 Millionen Tonnen in den 1960er Jahren.
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Selbst Erdöl war zwar immer wieder auch außenpolitisch ein großes Thema, wurde jedoch erst durch den Zweiten Weltkrieg zu einem wichtigen Treibstoff in der UdSSR.
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Bis in die 1960er Jahre spielt Gas eine untergeordnete Rolle: Es wird hauptsächlich nicht als Energieträger, sondern als Rohstoff für die Chemieindustrie genutzt. Dementsprechend wird es vom Chemieministerium verwaltet, das wenig Interesse an seiner Förderung zeigt.
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Erst 1965 entsteht ein separates Gas-Ministerium, und Alexej Kortunow wird dessen erster Minister. Bereits 1966 überzeugt er die Regierung und Parteiführung in langen und harten Diskussionen, dass ...
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a) die Gasfelder in Sibirien erschlossen werden müssen, ...
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b) die Sowjetunion dafür Rohre aus dem Westen braucht, die sie ...
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c) mit Kreditenbezahlt und ...
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d) mit Gas tilgen wird.
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Die Idee des Tauschhandels ist geboren. Doch die Sowjetunion ist auf dem Gasmarkt nicht alleine.
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Kapitel 2. Annäherung
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Schloss Hernstein ist heute ein Hotel und wirbt mit seiner romantischen Lage im Wienerwald am See für Traumhochzeiten und Events. Kein Hinweis findet sich jedoch darauf, dass hier einst europäische Energie-Geschichte geschrieben wurde. Im September 1967 logiert hier 14 Tage lang eine elfköpfige sowjetische Delegation unter Leitung des stellvertretenden Außenhandelsministers Nikolaj Ossipow, die sowjetisches Erdgas im Tausch gegen österreichische Stahlrohre anbietet. Gespräche gibt es seit Herbst 1966 auf verschiedenen Ebenen von Wirtschaftsvertretern und Regierungsrepräsentanten. Aber im Schloss trifft zum ersten Mal die eigens zusammengestellte sowjetische Delegation mit sämtlichen Fachleuten ein, um intensiv und zwei Wochen am Stück mit der österreichischen Seite zu verhandeln.
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Der Ort drückt Wertschätzung aus und bietet fernab von neugierigen Augen und Ohren die Möglichkeit für informelle Treffen, abendliche Gespräche und mehr
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Es ist kein Zufall, dass die österreichische Regierung die sowjetische Delegation in einer Idylle im Wienerwald unterbringt. Der Ort drückt Wertschätzung aus und bietet fernab von neugierigen Augen und Ohren die Möglichkeit für informelle Treffen, abendliche Gespräche und mehr ... Die Mitglieder bilden vier Arbeitsgruppen für Gas, Rohre, Kredit- und Rechtsfragen. Tagsüber fahren sie nach Wien in die Unternehmenszentralen der Österreichischen Mineralölverwaltung (ÖMV), die das Gas ankaufen und weiter verteilen wird, der Vereinigten Österreichischen Eisen- und Stahlwerke Linz (VÖEST), die die Rohre liefern wird, sowie zu Gesprächen mit Bundeskanzler Josef Klaus in dessen Residenz und mit dem Vizekanzler Fritz Bock in dessen Handelsministerium. Zwar wird der Durchbruch erst Anfang 1968 in Moskau erzielt. Aber auf Schloss Hernstein nehmen die Verhandlungen über sowjetische Gaslieferungen nach Westeuropa ihren Anfang.
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Aber warum überhaupt sowjetisches Gas?
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Die Wirtschaften der westlichen Industrienationen wachsen nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg rasant, verschlingen immer mehr Energie und suchen nach Anbietern von (möglichst günstigen) Energieträgern. Um das Jahr 1960 wird Erdgas in scheinbar unendlichen Mengen nahezu gleichzeitig in drei Regionen entdeckt: in Algerien, den Niederlanden und Sibirien. Damit treten die drei Anbieterländer in unmittelbare Konkurrenz um die Abnehmerstaaten.
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Während Kohle oder Erdöl problemlos auf Zügen oder Schiffen transportiert werden können, geht das mit Erdgas nicht. Erdgas ist bekanntlich ein brennbares, farb- und geruchloses Gas, das leichter als Luft ist. Um das zu transportieren, muss es entweder verflüssigt werden oder es müssen Pipelines gebaut werden. Nur an Orte, an die eine Pipeline führt, kann Gas verkauft werden.
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Nur an Orte, an die eine Pipeline führt, kann Gas verkauft werden
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Die Pipeline-Bindung hat gravierende Folgen für die Anbieter.
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Das niederländische Gas versorgt Nord-Deutschland. Aber es wird von der Niederländischen Erdölgesellschaft (NAM) angeboten, einer Tochter der anglo-amerikanischen Energie-Multis. Sie haben bislang eine Monopolstellung und halten die Preise hoch. Der Bau einer Pipeline nach Süddeutschland und weiter nach Südeuropa ist den Anrainern zu teuer.
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Um das algerische Gas nach Europa zu bringen, muss es verflüssigt, auf Tankern verschifft, in Südeuropa angelandet, zurückverwandelt und durch Pipelines gen Norden gepumpt werden.
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Um das sibirische Gas aus der Sowjetunion nach Europa zu pumpen, müssen 5000 km Rohrleitung gebaut werden. Dafür benötigt die Sowjetunion Stahlrohre in Quantität und Qualität, die sie nicht (so schnell) produzieren kann.
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Österreich, Italien und Bayern führen in den 1960er Jahren Verhandlungen mit Algerien. Die Technik und Infrastruktur für Verflüssigung und Transport des algerischen Gases ist damals jedoch so teuer, dass diese Verhandlungen 1966 abgebrochen werden.
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Zur gleichen Zeit macht die Sowjetunion ein interessantes Angebot.
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Österreich ist das erste westliche Land, das sowjetisches Gas beziehen soll. Dafür gibt es politische Gründe.
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Moskau untersagt Wien, ein Assoziierungsabkommen mit der Europäischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft (EWG) einzugehen und bietet als „Trostpreis“ sowjetisches Gas
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Die Sowjetunion hat 1955 zwar ihre Besatzungstruppen abgezogen, dafür aber Österreich zur Neutralität verpflichtet. Aus diesem Grund untersagt Moskau Wien 1966, ein Assoziierungsabkommen mit der Europäischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft (EWG) einzugehen. Im November besucht Nikolaj Podgorny Österreich – der Vorsitzende des Präsidiums des Obersten Sowjets und damit das Staatsoberhaupt der Sowjetunion – und bietet als „Trostpreis“ sowjetisches Gas.
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Für die Sowjetunion gibt es aber auch geostrategische Gründe: Seit 1964 sprechen die UdSSR und die italienische Energie-Gesellschaft ENI über eine transeuropäische Pipeline, die sowjetisches Gas nach Italien bringen soll. Österreich wird als Transitland gebraucht.
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Und es gibt ein wirtschaftliches Argument: Die UdSSR braucht für den Bau der Pipeline die Stahlrohre, die die Firma VÖEST produzieren kann.
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Dennoch erweisen sich die Verhandlungen als schwierig und es dauert zwei Jahre, bis der Deal mit Österreich steht.
Österreich braucht dringend Energie und verlangt, dass das Gas sofort geliefert wird.
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Das ist damals nur über die „Bratstwo“ (Bruderschafts)-Pipeline möglich, das sowjetisch-tschechoslowakische Gemeinschaftsprojekt von 1964 – die erste Pipeline aus der Sowjetunion nach Europa.
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Die Pipeline erreicht im Juni 1967 die österreichische Grenze. Sie ist aber nur zur Versorgung der sozialistischen Staaten vorgesehen.
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Daher verweist die Moskauer Delegation auf die transeuropäische Pipeline nach Italien, die aber frühestens 1971 fertiggestellt wird. Die Moskauer fordern die Lieferung der Stahlrohre binnen zwei Jahren, während die österreichische Stahlindustrie sie über sieben Jahre verteilen will.
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Am 1. Juni 1968 geben beide nach: Österreich sichert die Lieferung der Rohre bis 1970 zu, indem neben den österreichischen VÖEST deutsche Stahlunternehmen Thyssen und Mannesmann an dem Deal beteiligt sind, die bereits inkognito in Schloss Hernstein zu Gast waren.
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Die Sowjetunion willigt ein, Österreich an die „Bratstwo”-Pipeline anzuschließen.
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Bereits am 1. September 1968 fließt das erste sowjetische Gas durch den Eisernen Vorhang; am 1. November 1968 weiht der sowjetische Gasminister Alexej Kortunow in Baumgarten das Pumpwerk ein.
Der Vertrag ist auf 22 Jahre geschlossen und sieht ab 1971 eine jährliche Menge von 1,5 Milliarden Kubikmeter Gas vor.
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Bis heute wird gestritten, ob das Gas-Rohr-Tauschgeschäft in erster Linie politisch gewollt oder wirtschaftlich bedingt war. Eindeutig spielten beide Faktoren eine Rolle: Die Sowjetunion braucht die Rohre, der Westen das Gas und beide Seiten hoffen, sich darüber politisch annähern zu können. Und das gilt nicht nur für den Anschluss Wiens an „Bratstwo” statt an Brüssel.
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Die Sowjetunion braucht die Rohre, der Westen das Gas und beide Seiten hoffen, sich darüber politisch annähern zu können
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Am 21. August 1968 beenden die sowjetischen Panzer den Prager Frühling. Die Gaslieferungen nach Österreich beginnen nur 10 Tage später. Sie sollen zeigen, dass die UdSSR weiter an Entspannung interessiert ist. Im Februar 1969 beschließt das Politbüro seine neue Westpolitik. Nachdem es vorher Verhandlungen nur mit Österreich, Italien und Frankreich genehmigt hat, will es jetzt auch mit Westdeutschland verhandeln. Moskau hofft, mit einer transeuropäischen Gasleitung Bonn politisch an sich zu binden. Und Moskau möchte zudem mit Gaslieferungen Willy Brandt (SPD) zum Wahlsieg verhelfen. Der setzt sich bereits als Außenminister für „Wandel durch Handel“ ein. Im November 1969 wird er Bundeskanzler und etabliert seine neue Ostpolitik.
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Kapitel 3. „Wandel durch Handel“
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Gern wäre er mit dabei gewesen, aber der bayerische Wirtschaftsminister Otto Schedl (CSU) ist nicht eingeladen nach Schloss Hernstein. Ihn plagen ähnliche Sorgen wie Österreich: Bayern benötigt in den 1960er Jahren dringend günstige Energie, um sich vom Agrarland zum Industriestandort zu mausern. Doch die eigenen kleinen Gasfelder neigen sich dem Ende zu, und vom holländischen Gas ist Bayern weit entfernt.
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Auf eigene Faust – die Bundesregierung in Bonn informiert er oft erst nachträglich – schließt er sich erst den Verhandlungen mit Algerien an und versucht dann, zu den sowjetischen Verhandlungen mit Österreich zugelassen zu werden – vergeblich. Moskau sagt jedes Mal „njet“.
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Moskau sagt jedes Mal „njet“
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Moskaus Meinung ändert sich jedoch. Das wird deutlich, als der sowjetische Handelsminister Nikolaj Patolitschew die Einladung vom westdeutschen Wirtschaftsminister Karl Schiller zur Hannover-Messe im April 1969 annimmt. Im Salon „Lüneburg“ des Hannoverschen Prominenten-Hotels Intercontinental speisen sie zusammen und fahren dann in Schillers Dienstwagen zur Industrie-Messe. Beim Rundgang treffen sie den Thyssen-Generaldierektor Dr. Ernst Wolf Mommsen, der wirbt: „Die 2,50-Meter-Rohre kriegen Sie nur bei uns.“ Schiller scherzt: „Denn darauf hat er ein Monopol.“ Patolitschew nimmt Mommsen in Schutz: „Aber er hat doch ganz recht.“
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„Die 2,50-Meter-Rohre kriegen Sie nur bei uns.“
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Die Ruhrgas AG ist damals das größte Gasunternehmen in Westdeutschland. Es versorgt seine Kunden mit 8,6 Milliarden Kubikmetern Gas im Jahr über ein Gasnetz von 3500 km. Es ist zudem das Unternehmen, das zusammen mit Thyssen eine Monopolstellung hat, um niederländisches Gas des Konzerns NAM in Westdeutschland zu vertreiben. Daher zeigt der Vorstandsvorsitzende Herbert Schellberger zunächst kein Interesse, mit dem russischen Gas einen Konkurrenten auf den westdeutschen Markt zu holen. Er will holländisches Gas nach Bayern verkaufen, das er bereits in Nordbayern vertreibt, da Ruhrgas ein Aktionär der Ferngas Nordbayern AG ist. Erst als das Wirtschaftsministerium in Bonn im Sommer 1969 klarstellt, dass ein Abschluss mit der UdSSR gewünscht sei, schwenkt Schellberger um. Er drängt Bayerngas aus dem Geschäft, das er selbst abschließt. Auch Bonn ist der Meinung, dass Bayerngas für einen solch großen Vertragsabschluss zu klein sei und nicht über genügend Erfahrung im internationalen Handel verfüge.
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In weniger als einem Jahr – im Februar 1970 – wird das Rohr-Gas-Tauschgeschäft mit Moskau unterschrieben.
Laut Vertrag soll die Sowjetunion ab 1973 Gas nach Westdeutschland liefern, jedoch nicht über Österreich, sondern über einen eigenen Anschluss in Waidhaus.
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Geplant sind Lieferungen im Umfang von 500 Millionen Kubikmeter.
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Im April 1971 wird dazu noch ein zweiter Vertrag über weitere 4 Milliarden Kubikmeter pro Jahr für ebenfalls 20 Jahre unterschrieben.
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Bayern ist das erste Bundesland, das mit „rotem Gas” versorgt wird. Die ersten belieferten Städte sind Neustadt, Ingolstadt und München sowie das E-Werk Gebersdorf bei Nürnberg. Im Winter 1974–1975 kommen Regensburg, Landshut und Würzburg dazu. 1976 bezieht ganz Nord-Bayern das sowjetische Gas.
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Der schnelle und erfolgreiche Abschluss zwischen Moskau und Bonn setzt Rom und Paris unter Druck, sich ebenfalls sowjetisches Gas zu sichern.
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Die italienische ENI unterschreibt noch vor der Ruhrgas im Dezember 1969 ebenfalls für 20 Jahre: Ab Januar 1973 sollen 1,2 Milliarden Kubikmeter, ab 1976 6 Milliarden Kubikmeter nach Italien fließen.
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Paris folgt erst 1972 und kauft ab 1976 2,5 Milliarden Kubikmeter Gas, das ab 1980 durch die Mittel-Europäische Gasleitung MEGAL fließt.
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Finnland unterschreibt im Dezember 1971, dass es 1974 an das russische Gasnetz angeschlossen wird.
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Die Schweiz, Belgien, Spanien und Japan führen Verhandlungen.
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Selbst die USA unterschreiben 1973 einen Vorvertrag, ab 1978–80 sibirisches Gas über ein Flüssiggasterminal in Murmansk zu kaufen.
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Politische Bedenken, vom Handelspartner abhängig oder gar erpressbar zu werden, gibt es bei den meisten Ländern nicht. Beim italienischen Energiekonzern ENI nicht, weil man dort in erster Linie die Abhängigkeit von den anglo-amerikanischen Energie-Multis fürchtet und bereits 1959 sowjetisches Öl gekauft hat. In Wien nicht, weil man über den Staatsvertrag von 1955 ohnehin eng an Moskau gebunden ist. In Paris nicht, weil man seit 1966 eine gemeinsame Wirtschaftskommission mit Moskau unterhält und ohnehin eigenes, algerisches und niederländisches Gas mixt.
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Auch in München hat Wirtschaftsminister Otto Schedl keine politischen Bedenken. Er verficht die Idee, dass man die Märkte so sehr voneinander abhängig machen muss, dass ein Vertragsbruch für beide Seiten gleich schmerzhaft ist.
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Man muss die Märkte so sehr voneinander abhängig machen, dass ein Vertragsbruch für beide Seiten gleichermaßen schmerzhaft ist
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Bedenken gibt es in Deutschland und – die größten – in der Sowjetunion selbst. Der Deal ist sehr verlockend, doch das Politbüro in Moskau ist misstrauisch: Immerhin hat die NATO 1962 ein Rohr-Embargo gegen die UdSSR verhängt, infolgedessen Westdeutschland die vertraglich zugesicherten, dringend benötigten Stahlrohre nicht geliefert hat. Die Befürchtung, die NATO-Länder könnten ein neues Rohr-Embargo verhängen, sitzt tief.
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Für Bonn hat das Geschäft viele Vorteile: Die Stahlindustrie, die die Rohre produziert, boomt, das Gas ist konkurrenzlos günstig (0,52 Pfennig pro 1000 kcal versus 0,72 Pfennig für niederländisches Gas oder 0,80 Pfennig, die Algerien zuletzt angeboten hatte). Damit gehört die Monopolstellung des niederländischen Gas und der Shell-Esso-Gruppe der Vergangenheit an.
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Doch in Bonn fürchtet Wirtschaftsminister Karl Schiller (SPD) die Abhängigkeit von sowjetischen Lieferungen, politische Manipulation und damit eine Gefährdung der Versorgungssicherheit. Laut Ministerialdirektor Dr. Gerhard Woratz soll deshalb höchstens die Hälfte (1–1,5 Milliarden Kubikmeter) des Bedarfs Bayerns (2,2–3 Milliarden Kubikmeter) aus der UdSSR stammen.
Am Anfang kann keine Rede von Abhängigkeit sein. Weder ist das Moskaus Plan, noch hat es die Möglichkeiten dazu. Mehr noch: Tatsächlich muss Moskau sich sehr bemühen, um die Verträge überhaupt erfüllen zu können, denn das sibirische Gas ist noch gar nicht erschlossen. Dringend müssen Pläne realisiert werden, die seit 1966 vorliegen: Die Nord-Trasse „Polarlicht“ muss gebaut werden, die sibirisches Gas aus dem nördlichen Teil der Oblast Tjumen über Belarus und die Westukraine ins Ausland leitet. Und es braucht die Süd-Trasse, die das Gas aus Zentralasien in den Ural und weiter Richtung Westen bis nach Italien liefern soll.
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Tatsächlich muss Moskau sich sehr bemühen, um die Verträge überhaupt erfüllen zu können
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2,2 Millionen Tonnen deutsche, mit einem Durchmesser von 1,42 Metern extra-großen Rohre für die Polarlicht-Pipeline werden ab Juli 1970 geliefert. Aber wegen der schwierigen Baubedingungen durch Sumpf und über Eis erscheint der Anschluss des sibirischen Gases frühestens 1976 möglich. Der zweite Abschluss mit Bonn im Jahr 1971 sichert weitere 0,8 Millionen Tonnen Großrohre, mit denen die Gegenden mit Permafrost umgangen werden.
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Bald wird klar, dass sich der Bau der Pipeline verzögert. Für die ausländischen Lieferverpflichtungen, die bis 1975 auf insgesamt 35,5 Milliarden Kubikmeter steigen, muss somit das ukrainische Gas herhalten. Die ukrainischen Gasfelder sind die einzigen, die über die „Bratstwo”-Pipeline an Westeuropa angeschlossen sind. Das ukrainische Gas muss aber auch die Ukraine selbst und darüber hinaus Belarus und das Baltikum versorgen und geht bereits zur Neige. Doch um die Verträge mit westlichen Ländern zu erfüllen, pumpt Moskau die Ukraine leer und lässt die eigene Bevölkerung frieren: In den Wintern Anfang der 1970er Jahre fällt in Wohnblocks, Schulen, Kindergärten und Krankenhäusern im Baltikum, Belarus und der Ukraine immer wieder die Heizung aus. Auch die DDR und die Tschechoslowakei erhalten nicht die zugesagten Liefermengen.
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Um die Verträge mit westlichen Ländern zu erfüllen, pumpt Moskau die Ukraine leer und lässt die eigene Bevölkerung frieren
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Einerseits betont Gasminister Alexej Kortunow Anfang 1969, dass sie erst mit allen Bruderstaaten Gasverträge abgeschlossen hätten, bevor sie es Westdeutschland anboten. Andererseits wollen er und Außenhandelsminister Patolitschew das Gas vor allem gegen Devisen und Rohre in den Westen liefern, während sie die Mitgliedsstaaten des Rats für gegenseitige Wirtschaftshilfe RGW vor allem deshalb mit ins Boot holen, damit sie an den Rohrleitungen nach Westeuropa mitbauen.
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Die DDR verweigert sich zunächst: Als sie mit der Sowjetunion im Mai 1968 und damit zwei Jahre vor Westdeutschland einen Vertrag über Gaslieferungen ab 1972 abschließt, lehnt sie es ab, die Leitung bis nach Westdeutschland zu bauen.
Auch von den Bruderländern erwartet die Sowjetunion im Tauschgeschäft, was sie selbst nicht hat: So soll die DDR für langfristig 3,0 Milliarden Kubikmeter Erdgas Trikotagen, Teppiche, Gardinentüll und andere hochwertige Konsumgüter liefern. Die Pipeline ist durch Polen geplant, aber Warschau verlangt Transitgebühren in einer Höhe, die Ost-Berlin schließlich als überzogen ablehnt. Also nimmt die DDR-Führung doch das sowjetische Angebot an, sich an dem Pipelinebau UdSSR-ČSSR-Westeuropa zu beteiligen. Ost-Berlin nimmt dafür den Umweg über die ČSSR und die Verschiebung des Lieferbeginns auf 1973 in Kauf. Dafür sollen ab 1975 konstant 3,5 Milliarden Kubikmeter Gas geliefert werden. Die Verlängerung der Rohrleitung „Nordlicht“ durch die ČSSR von fast 1000 Kilometern bis zur Anschlussstelle Deutschneudorf muss es auch mitfinanzieren und zudem Rohre und Maschinen liefern.
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Die mit der DDR vertraglich vereinbarten Liefermengen werden immer wieder heruntergehandelt, nur um die dann gedrosselten Liefermengen auch nicht zu erfüllen
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Doch während Moskau penibel darauf bedacht ist, die kapitalistischen Kunden zufriedenzustellen, wird die DDR ganz anders behandelt: Die vertraglich vereinbarten Liefermengen werden immer wieder heruntergehandelt, nur um die dann gedrosselten Liefermengen auch nicht zu erfüllen.
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Erst zehn Jahre später, im März 1983, einigen sich die DDR, die BRD und die UdSSR auf die Versorgung West-Berlins mit sowjetischem Gas, das ab 1985 fließen soll. Selbstredend muss die DDR die 235 Kilometer lange Trasse von Sayda in der Tschechoslowakei nach West-Berlin bauen.
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Eine grundsätzliche Umstellung West-Berlins auf russisches Gas lehnen allerdings die Westalliierten ab. Es wird stattdessen ein unterirdischer Gasspeicher angelegt, der mit 1 Milliarde Kubikmetern Gas für ein Jahr speichert. Sicher ist sicher.
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Kapitel 5. Der Weg in die Abhängigkeit
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Solange Gas auch aus anderen Ländern fließt, gilt im Westen eine Abhängigkeit vom “roten Gas” nicht als Risiko. In Bonn rechnet man, bis 1980 nicht mehr als 14 Prozent des Gases aus der UdSSR zu beziehen.
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Um die Diversifizierung bemüht, sucht die Bundesrepublik nach weiteren Quellen. Die arabischen Lieferanten gelten seit 1973 als unsicher: Nach dem Jom-Kippur-Krieg 1973/74 zwischen Israel einerseits und Ägypten und Syrien andererseits drosseln die arabischen Staaten ihre Energieversorgung für Israel-Unterstützer, vor allem für die USA.
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1974 vereinbart Bonn die Lieferung von Gas mit dem Iran, das über das Pipelinesystem der UdSSR fließen soll. Doch 1978/79 bricht dort die Revolution aus und das Projekt scheitert. Das „rote Gas” wird infolgedessen im Westen immer attraktiver. Nicht nur, weil es für Entspannung im Ost-West-Konflikt steht und Moskau als verlässlicher(er) Partner empfunden wird. Sondern auch, weil Gas als „sauber“ daherkommt: Im Privathaushalt verursacht es keinen Dreck und Gestank wie Heizöl oder Kohle; industriell genutzt stößt es weniger Schadstoffe aus als andere fossile Energieträger.
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Das Iran-Fiasko beschleunigt die Verhandlungen über einen weiteren Vertrag Bonns mit Moskau enorm
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Das Iran-Fiasko beschleunigt die Verhandlungen über einen weiteren Vertrag Bonns mit Moskau enorm. Die Sowjetunion ist ihrerseits extrem interessiert, mit westlicher Technologie weiteres sibirisches Gas anzuschließen. Weder der sowjetische Einmarsch in Afghanistan Ende 1979 noch die Verhängung des Kriegsrechts in Polen Ende 1981 ändern etwas daran. Im Gegenteil: In Europa erscheint das Gas wie 1968 als Mittel, die politischen Wogen zu glätten. Ende 1981 ordert Bonn weitere 10,5, Paris 8 und Rom 6 Milliarden Kubikmeter sibirisches Gas. Die USA haben 1976 dem Gasdeal mit der Sowjetunion eine Absage erteilt und verhängen Anfang 1982 tatsächlich ein neues Embargo gegen Firmen, die Pipelinetechnologie in die UdSSR liefern. Aber es wird von West-Europa einfach ignoriert und bleibt daher wirkungslos.
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Das militärische Eingreifen der Sowjetunion in Afghanistan dauerte von 1979 bis 1989. In der sowjetischen Armee dienten neben den Eliteeinheiten vor allem junge Wehrpflichtige. Auf der sowjetischen Seite wurden 15.000 Soldaten getötet und 54.000 verwundet. Der Krieg führte bei der Bevölkerung zu einem Trauma, das bis heute nachwirkt und die Deutung des aktuellen Einsatzes der russischen Luftwaffe in Syrien nicht unerheblich beeinflusst. Mehr dazu: Afghanistan-Krieg
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In den 1970er Jahren wird die Nordtrasse „Polarlicht“ gebaut.
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1983 geht eine weitere Transsibirische Pipeline in Betrieb, die Erdgas aus den Gasfeldern in Jamal liefern soll.
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Parallel dazu bauen ein letztes Mal die „Bruderstaaten“ gemeinsam die 3473 km lange Pipeline „Progress“, die noch nördlicher bei Jamburg beginnt und ab 1988 über das ukrainische Uschhorod Gas ins sozialistische und kapitalistische Ausland liefert.
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Alle Exportpipelines verlaufen zu dem Zeitpunkt über die Ukraine.
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Das Ziel, nicht mehr als 14 Prozent aus der Sowjetunion zu beziehen, wird in Deutschland weiter aufgeweicht. Der Anteil wächst in den 1980er Jahren kontinuierlich und knackt die 50-Prozent-Marke.
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Die Pipelines, die mit westlichen Krediten und Rohrlieferungen gebaut werden konnten, machen große Mengen Gas verfügbar. Gleichzeitig steigt der Bedarf in Westeuropa nicht so rasant, wie von Politikern und Ökonomen auf beiden Seiten des Eisernen Vorhangs angenommen – in den 1980er Jahren setzt die Deindustrialisierung ein. Also bietet Moskau Neukunden Gas zu günstigen Konditionen an: Nun greifen auch die Schweiz, Belgien, die Türkei und Griechenland zu. Es kommt noch ein Argument für das Gas hinzu: Der Super-GAU in Tschernobyl 1986 macht das Gas attraktiver als den Bau weiterer Atommeiler.
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Am 26. April 1986 kam es zur größten Atomkatastrophe in der Geschichte: An diesem Tag explodierte der Reaktor-Block 4 des Kernkraftwerks Tschernobyl in der Nähe der ukrainischen Stadt Prypjat. Bei diesem folgenschweren Unfall, der durch einen routinemäßigen, aber fehlerhaft ausgeführten Stromausfall-Test ausgelöst wurde, wurde eine Radioaktivität freigesetzt, die – so schätzt die Weltgesundheitsorganisation (WHO) – 200 Mal höher war als die freigesetzte Radioaktivität der Atombomben von Hiroshima und Nagasaki zusammengenommen. Merh dazu: Tschernobyl
Die Preise für fossile Brennstoffe sinken in den 1980er Jahren dramatisch und reißen in der UdSSR ein immenses Haushaltsloch. Das ist zwar selbstverständlich nicht der einzige Faktor: Ende 1991 löst sich die Sowjetunion auf. Doch damit fängt ein ganz neues Kapitel in der Geschichte an.
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Die Auflösung ändert nichts an der allgemeinen Vorstellung, mit Gas könne man Völker verbinden und diplomatische Turbulenzen überbrücken. Sowjetisches bzw. russisches Gas, das inzwischen mehrere europäische Länder versorgt und weiter auf seinem Siegeszug ist, kennt scheinbar nur Gewinner: Es füllt Russlands Staatskasse, bringt der leergepumpten Ukraine zumindest Transitgebühren und den Westeuropäer:innen warme Wohnzimmer und Energie für die Industrie. Die Gaspipelines haben seit 1968 den „eisernen Vorhang“ erfolgreich durchlöchert und, wie einst von der Bayerischen Staatskanzlei geplant, beide Märkte so dicht miteinander verwoben, dass vom Ende des Gasflusses beide Seiten gleichen Schaden hätten: Dort würden die Kassen leer bleiben, hier die Heizungen kalt.
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Der Zerfallsprozess der Sowjetunion begann Mitte der 1980er Jahre und dauerte mehrere Jahre an. Die Ursachen sind umstritten. Während einige hauptsächlich Gorbatschows Reformen für den Zerfall verantwortlich machen, sehen andere die Gründe vor allem in globalen Dynamiken. Eine zentrale Rolle spielte in jedem Fall die Politik der russischen Teilrepublik. Mehr dazu: Auflösung der Sowjetunion
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Die Pipeline-Infrastruktur hat unumkehrbare Fakten geschaffen, denn eine Rohrleitung lässt sich, anders als ein Öltanker, nicht einfach verlegen
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Zudem hat die Pipeline-Infrastruktur unumkehrbare Fakten geschaffen, denn eine Rohrleitung lässt sich, anders als ein Öltanker, nicht einfach verlegen. Moskau hat sich als verlässlicher Partner erwiesen: Die Ängste, Westeuropa könnte durch Energieabhängigkeit erpressbar werden, haben sich nicht bewahrheitet. Nun, wo es keine Blockkonfrontation mehr gibt und der Kapitalismus auch in Russland herrscht, wird der Gasfluss erst recht von Marktgesetzen und nicht von Politik bestimmt werden. Glaubt man im Westen.
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Aber was, wenn das alles einfach nicht stimmt? War Russland tatsächlich immer nur ein verlässlicher Partner?
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Text: Susanne Schattenberg Redaktion: Leonid A. Klimov Karten: Artjom Schtschennikow Schlussredaktion: Friederike Meltendorf Videoschnitt: Victoriya Spiryagina Veröffentlicht: 17. Juli 2025
Zur Förderung der Kohle, Erdöl und Erdgas s.: Narodnoe chozjajstvo SSSR v 1970 godu (Statističeskij ežegodnik), Moskau 1971 und Narodnoe chozjajstvo SSSR v 1990 godu (Statističeskij ežegodnik), Moskau 1991
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Pipeline-Routen: “Global Energy Monitor, Global Gas Infrastructure Tracker, December 2024” unter CC BY 4.0. Bearbeitet von dekoder-Redaktion im Hinblick auf wissenschaftliche Publikationen, insbesondere: Högselius, Per: Red Gas. Russia and the Origins of European Energy Dependence, Basingstoke, 2013
Bader-Gassner, Miriam A.: Pipelineboom. Internationale Ölkonzerne im westdeutschen Wirtschaftswunder, (Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte des modernen Europa. Economic and Social History of Modern Europe), Baden-Baden 2014.
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Balmaceda, Margarita : Der Weg in die Abhängigkeit. Ostmitteleuropa am Energietropf der UdSSR, in: Osteuropa, 9-10/2004, S. 162–179, Berlin 2004.
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Balmaceda, Margarita M. (Hrsg.): Europa unter Spannung. Energiepolitik zwischen Ost und West, (Osteuropa Bd. 54.2004, Heft 9/10), Berlin 2004.
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Bleidick, Dietmar: Die Ruhrgas 1926 bis 2013. Aufstieg und Ende eines Marktführers, (Schriftenreihe zur Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte. Bd. 30), Berlin–Boston 2018.
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Bösch, Frank: Energy Diplomacy. West-Germany, the Soviet Union and the Oil Crisis of the 1970ies, in: Historical Social Research / Historische Sozialforschung 4/2014, S. 165–185.
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Cantoni, Roberto: What's in a Pipe?: NATO's Confrontation on the 1962 Large-Diameter Pipe Embargo, in: Technology and Culture 1/2017, S. 67–96.
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Flade, Falk: Energy Infrastructures in the Eastern Bloc. Poland and the Construction of Transnational Electricity, Oil, and Gas Systems, (Studien zur Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte Ostmitteleuropas. Bd. 26), Wiesbaden 2018.
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Gustafson, Thane: Crisis amid Plenty. The Politics of Soviet Energy under Brezhnev and Gorbachev, (Princeton Legacy Library), Princeton, N.J. 2014.
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Gustafson, Thane: The Bridge. Natural Gas in a Redivided Europe, New Haven 2020.
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Heinrich, Andreas/Pleines, Heiko: Export pipelines from the CIS region. Geopolitics, securitization, and political decision-making, (Changing Europe. Bd. 10), Stuttgart 2014.
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Hesse, Jan-Otmar: Vom Röhren-Manager zum Verteidigungs-Staatssekretär und zurück. Der mehrfache Seitenwechsel von Ernst Wolf Mommsen, (Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte. Bd. 68), Bayreuth 2023.
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Högselius, Per: Red Gas. Russia and the Origins of European Energy Dependence, Basingstoke 2013.
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Jentleson, Bruce W.: Pipeline Politics. The Complex Political Economy of East-West Energy Trade, (Cornell studies in political economy), Ithaca, NY 1986.
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Karlsch, Rainer: Vom Licht zur Wärme. Geschichte der ostdeutschen Gaswirtschaft 1855–2008, Berlin 2008.
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Krempin, Dunja: Die sibirische Wucht. Der Aufstieg der Sowjetunion zur globalen Gasmacht, 1964–1982, (Osteuropa in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Bd. 7), Wien, Köln, Weimar 2019.
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Messner, S./Golovine, A. P./Strubegger, M.: Historic Perspective. Natural Gas in Europe, Laxenburg, Austria 1986 (= Working Papers).
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Müller, Christian Th.: Der Erdgas-Röhren-Konflikt 1981/82, in: Greiner, Bernd (Hrsg.), Ökonomie im Kalten Krieg, Hamburg 2010, S. 501–520.
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Perović, Jeronim (Hrsg.): Cold War energy. A transnational history of Soviet oil and gas, Cham 2017.
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Perović, Jeronim: Rohstoffmacht Russland. Eine globale Energiegeschichte, Wien–Köln 2022.
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Roos, Johanna: Sibirien zwischen Ökonomie und Politik. Zur Erschließung der Energieträger Erdöl und Erdgas. Köln 1984.
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Rudolph, Karsten: Wirtschaftsdiplomatie im Kalten Krieg. Die Ostpolitik der westdeutschen Großindustrie; 1945 –1991, Frankfurt/Main 2004.
Schattenberg, Susanne: „Von Schlössern und Touristen, oder: Wie Österreich in die EWG wollte und sowjetisches Gas bekam (1966–1968)“, in: Christoph Augustynowicz et al. (Hg.): Perlen geschichtswissenschaftlicher Reflexion. Östliches Europa, sozialgeschichtliche Interventionen, imperiale Vergleiche, GöttingenS. 213–220: V&R, 2022.
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Semenov, Jurij Nikolaevič: Erdöl aus dem Osten. Die Geschichte d. Erdöl- u. Erdgasindustrie in d. Sowjetunion, Düsseldorf, Wien 1973.
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Stent, Angela: Wandel durch Handel? Die politisch-wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Sowjetunion, (Bibliothek Wissenschaft und Politik. Bd. 27) Bd. ), Köln 1983.
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Stern, Jonathan P.: Gas for Western Europe: Choices for the 1990s, S. 305–314, in: The World Today 7/8/1982.Wolff von Amerongen, Otto: Der Weg nach Osten. Vierzig Jahre Brückenbau für die deutsche Wirtschaft, München 1992.
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