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How did Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea unfold? On 27 February 2014, Russian special forces, who were armed and wore no identifying insignia, occupied the parliamentary building in the capital city of Simferopol. The legitimate prime minister of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Anatolii Mohyliov, was removed from office and replaced by Sergey Aksyonov a […]

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Where is the basis for relations between Russia and NATO defined?  “Mutual relations, cooperation and security between NATO and the Russian Federation” are the subject-matter of the NATO–Russia Founding Act, which was signed in Paris on 27 May 1997 by the heads of states and governments of the NATO member countries, NATO Secretary General Javier Solana and Russian President Boris Yeltsin. It […]

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How do Putin & Co. use the terms “Russian World” and “historical Russia”?  The term Russkiy mir (Eng. Russian World) first began to crop up in the speeches of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev in the first decade of the 21st century. The concept had been developed earlier, although the Kremlin leaders first used it […]

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Mit dem Mythos, die Krym sei schon immer russisch gewesen, will Putins Russland seine Annexion der ukrainischen Halbinsel 2014 rechtfertigen. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo umreißt die historischen Entwicklungen, die Russlands Krym-Erzählung verschweigt.

\n","date":"2026-01-09T10:17:04","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":97629}]},"tags":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":101579},{"databaseId":98331},{"databaseId":98291},{"databaseId":101563},{"databaseId":101571},{"databaseId":98299},{"databaseId":98307},{"databaseId":98315}]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Ignaz Lozo"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Ignaz Lozo","authorDescription":"Dr. Ignaz Lozo, promovierter Osteuropahistoriker, war TV-Korrespondent in Moskau. 2024 erschien sein hochgelobtes Buch Gorbatschow – Der Weltveränderer, in welchem er auch die NATO-Osterweiterung und den Ukraine-Krieg beleuchtet. Von der Universität Mainz wurde er ausgezeichnet als Absolvent, der Herausragendes geleistet hat.","authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"title-centered","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"de/russland-propaganda-geschichte-narrative-dekodiert/krym","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-300x164.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-768x419.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-900x491.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-300x164.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-768x419.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-900x491.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":204603}]},{"title":"„Russland ist Zentrum der ‚russischen Welt‘ und hat ein Recht auf ‚historische Länder‘“","databaseId":194829,"excerpt":"

Das Konzept istoritscheskaja Rossija (dt: historisches Russland) ist im Westen wenig bekannt, gleichwohl hat es eine lange Begriffsgeschichte und wird von Putin und der Kremlpropaganda seit Jahren immer häufiger benutzt.

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Russia was using historical narratives to justify subjugation and aggression in its “near abroad” even before it annexed Crimea in 2014. History has also been conscripted as an aid-de-camp in Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine and confrontation with the West, with stories that keep finding audiences, both in- and outside of Russia, that are ready, even eager to believe.
\nIn the dekoder special Russia’s History Myths Unmasked, renowned authors decode these narratives of Russian (state) history with their intricate underpinnings, some extending back to the Middle Ages.

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Moscow describes “Ancient Rus” as the cradle of the “Russian people”, the origin of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation of the present day. In doing so, it is using well over a millennium’s worth of history to construct a narrative aimed at justifying the use of hybrid measures to influence other states and even a destructive war against neighbouring states. Historian Andrey Doronin takes a deep dive into the historical underpinnings of this Russian myth and explains how the understandings of the non-Russian Rus differ from the myth that Moscow tells.

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Russlands Mythos von der bedrohlichen NATO verschweigt, dass der Kreml selbst über Jahrzehnte an einer Annäherung zur NATO gearbeitet hat, zeitweise gar Mitglied werden wollte. So entstand 1997 die NATO-Russland-Grundakte, die offiziell bis heute gilt. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo skizziert ihre Entstehung und Bedeutung.

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Переписка журналиста Андрея Архангельского и историка Сергея Медведева — о паттернах российского исторического мышления.

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Andrei Arkhangelsky:  I thought we could start with personal thought patterns, the kind we are not even aware of or only become aware of as we grow older. The ones that demand that we do some hard work on ourselves.   We were both born in what was still the Soviet era – in its complacent years under Brezhnev (also known as the era of stagnation). This was in the late 1960s, early 1970s. What were those first ideas I had about my country and the […]

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Moskau beschreibt die Alte Rus als Wiege eines „russischen Volkes“, zu dem angeblich Russen, Belarussen und Ukrainer gehören. Damit nutzt es die jahrtausendealte Geschichte, die sich geografisch deutlich weiter westlich abspielte, und konstruiert ein Narrativ, das hybride Einflussnahme und sogar einen zerstörerischen Krieg gegen Nachbarstaaten rechtfertigen soll. Der Historiker Andrej Doronin geht dem russischen Mythos vom „einigen Volk“ auf den tiefen geschichtlichen Grund und erläutert, wie sich die Verständnisse der nicht-russländischen rus vom Moskauer Mythos unterscheiden.

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Вплоть до полномасштабной войны в Украине растущую зависимость от российского газа в Германии часто оправдывали тем, что Москва всегда была надежным поставщиком топлива по низким ценам. Игнорируя то, что подоплека действий Кремля из экономической давно стала политической. Когда это произошло и к каким привело последствиям?

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Dieser Beitrag ist ein Teil unseres Projekts „Russlands Geschichtsmythen entlarvt“. Mehr Narrative dekodieren Andrej Archangelski: Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen.  Wir sind beide noch in der Sowjetzeit geboren – […]

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Глава 1. Красный газ У каждой истории есть отправной пункт. У нашей он расположен там, где, кажется, ничего не напоминает о газе или международной торговле энергоносителями — в Лайцхалле. Это главный концертный зал Гамбурга — «вольного и ганзейского города», как он именуется официально. 6 июня 1967 года туда стекаются сотни людей. Парковка перед зданием — […]

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Andrej Archangelski:  Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen.   Sergej Medwedew:  Bei mir ist es ähnlich. Ich sehe mich noch als Dritt- oder Viertklässler, 1975/76, schon als Pionier: Ein Wintermorgen, […]

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dekoder feiert 10. Geburtstag! Schenk uns – und dir – weitere Jahre geballte dekoder-Energie!

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Bis zum Beginn des vollumfänglichen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, wurde die wachsende Abhängigkeit von russischem Gas in Deutschland häufig damit gerechtfertigt, Moskau habe doch stets zuverlässig geliefert. Ein Blick auf die Details zeigt ein anderes Bild.

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Eine Reise in die Zeit, als mehrere tausend Kilometer lange Pipelines gebaut wurden – und man noch glaubte, mit Gashandel Völker verbinden und diplomatische Spannungen überbrücken zu können.

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hallo ABC

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1. Wie die Illusion von Wahrheit erzeugt wird Gegen 5 Uhr morgens am 24. Februar 2022 beginnen die russischen Truppen einen großflächigen Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Die Invasion rückt rasch über vier Achsen voran: auf Kyjiw und Charkiw, auf den Donbass und auf den Süden der Ukraine aus Richtung der Halbinsel Krim. Gleichzeitig verübt Russland […]

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In ihrer Kurzgeschichte aus dem Jahr 2014 erkundet die belarussische Autorin Mariya Lappo die trügerischen Vorzüge eines Lebens in Abschottung. In unserem Literatur-Special präsentieren wir den Text erstmals auf Deutsch.

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Konzept, Design und Umsetzung: Alexandra HeidsiekRedaktion: Anton Himmelspach

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Большинство расхожих объяснений происхождения словосочетания «Белая Русь» не имеет под собой научной основы. Откуда оно взялось на самом деле и как стало именем государства, рассказывает беларуский историк Виктор Шадурский.

\n","date":"2024-11-29T12:27:06","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":295}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Виктор Шадурский","authorDescription":"Беларуский историк. В 1984 году окончил Белорусский государственный университет по специальности «история», защитил кандидатскую и докторскую диссертации. С сентября 2008 по март 2021 года работал деканом и профессором факультета международных отношений БГУ. В марте 2021 года из-за своей научной и гражданской позиции был уволен из университета. С апреля 2022 года совместно с профессором Университета имени Юстуса Либига (Гиссен, Германия) занимается научным проектом «Республика Беларусь: от парламентской демократии к авторитарному режиму (1990–1996)», финансово поддерживаемым Фондом Герды Хенкель (Германия). Автор более 200 научных публикаций.","authorImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/Shadurski-Victor-2023-01-06_15-53-02_sw-1.jpg"}},"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"ru/belarus-imya-istorija","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-768x512.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-900x600.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-768x512.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-900x600.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"ru"},"translations":[{"databaseId":118587}]},{"title":"Julja Piljulja (Danylowa) ","databaseId":161567,"excerpt":"

Geboren in Charkiw, aufgewachsen in Horliwka im Donbas. Als Kind schrieb Julja Danylowa Artikel für die Kinderzeitung Skrepka (dt. Büroklammer). 2014 musste sie mit 18 Jahren vor der russischen Invasion ihre Heimatregion verlassen. Sie zog nach Charkiw und machte dort 2018 ihren Abschluss an der Kulturakademie Charkiw.  Seitdem arbeitet sie hauptsächlich mit Drucken, Comics und […]

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Geboren 1975 im Ural, lebt seit 2010 in Charkiw (Ukraine).   Oleg Michajlow ist Autor und Dramaturg – ausgebildeter Schauspieler, arbeitete als Radiomoderator, schreibt seit 2005 Theaterstücke und ist bei Theaterfestivals in Kyjiw, Charkiw und Kramatorsk vertreten.  Seine Stücke werden in der Ukraine beispielsweise am Kyjiwer Akademischen Theater Soloti Worota (dt. Goldenes Tor), dem Charkiwer Staatlichen […]

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I Der Riese kam immer nachts. Wenn die Wintersonne unwillig aus dem kühlen Meer kroch und die Stadt erhellte, mussten ihre Einwohner feststellen, dass der Riese auch in dieser Nacht mehrere Häuser zerstört hatte. Die Einwohner liebten ihre Stadt sehr, darum war es kein Wunder, dass sie bitterlich weinten, wenn sie jeden Morgen wieder neue […]

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„Ein neues Märchen. Ich schreibe immer düsterer, also … ein Märchen über die Angst.“   Mit diesen Worten veröffentlichte der Charkiwer Dramaturg und Kinderbuchautor Oleg Michajlow im Dezember 2023 die Geschichte von dem Jungen Petja, der sich mit einem Plüsch-Hahn, einer Rennmaus und einem Hauskater anschickt, den bösen Riesen zu erlegen, der seine Familie und sein […]

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Ein Kapitel des deutschen Vernichtungsfeldzugs gegen die Sowjetunion, das oft übersehen wird, ist die Politik der „verbrannten Dörfer“ in Belarus. Die NS-Besatzer zerstörten im ganzen Land über 9.000 Dörfer – viele davon wurden für immer ausgelöscht.

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Die Slawistin Nina Weller über die Entstehung und Rezeption des Buches Feuerdörfer, das Literatur und Erinnerungskultur gleichermaßen veränderte.

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Das Buch Feuerdörfer von Ales Adamowitsch, Janka Bryl und Uladsimir Kalesnik ist über Generationen hinweg zu einem der prägendsten Werke der belarussischen Literatur geworden. Wir haben zeitgenössische Autorinnen, Schriftsteller und Lyrikerinnen aus Belarus gefragt, welche Bedeutung das Buch für sie hat.  

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Der Übersetzer Thomas Weiler hat das Buch Feuerdörfer, 50 Jahre nach der Erstveröffentlichung, erstmals aus dem Belarussischen ins Deutsche übertragen. Wir präsentieren einen Auszug aus seiner Übersetzung.

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Nach 50 Jahren erscheint Feuerdörfer erstmals auf Deutsch. Das Buch über die Wehrmachtsverbrechen in Belarus erschütterte die sowjetische Gesellschaft – ein Special, unter anderem mit der Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexijewitsch.

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Ein dekoder-Gesopräch mit der belarussischen Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexjiewitsch über das Buch Feuerdörfer, ihren Mentor Ales Adamowitsch und über das menschliche Leiden in der Literatur.

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Имя Кастуся Калиновского носит беларуский добровольческий полк, который сейчас воюет с российскими оккупантами в Украине. Им же была названа одна из советских партизанских бригад, сражавшихся против немецких захватчиков в годы Второй мировой войны. Кем был этот человек, ставший одним из главных героев беларуского исторического пантеона благодаря руководству восстанием 1863–1864 годов против Российской империи?

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Krieg gegen die Ukraine, Corona-Pandemie, internationaler Haftbefehl: Unsere Daten zeigen, wie sich die Auslandsreisen des russischen Präsidenten zwischen 2000 und 2024 verändert haben.

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Kastus Kalinouski war Anführer des Januaraufstands gegen das Zarenreich. Deswegen wird er als Kämpfer für die belarussische Unabhängigkeit verehrt, die Machthaber um Lukaschenko wollen ihn dagegen aus der Geschichte streichen. Viktor Schadurski über eine komplexe Figur im Zerrbild von Ideologie und Propaganda.

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Seit zwei Jahren reist der Fotograf Ludwig Nikulski immer wieder an die Grenzen der Ukraine. Mit seiner Kamera beobachtet er, wie der Krieg das Grenzland verändert, das diesen Krieg vom Rest Europas trennt.

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An einem bewölkten Augusttag 2016 taucht am Pirogowskaja Ufer in Sankt Petersburg ein Banner mit der Aufschrift „Ihr kreuzigt die Freiheit, doch die menschliche Seele kennt keine Fesseln“ auf. Ein Déjà Vu für Putin, falls er es gesehen hat: Vierzig Jahre zuvor hatte er als junger KGB-Offizier die Entfernung eben jener Inschrift veranlasst – damals […]

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Knete, Drucker, Kleidung – russischen Streetartists ist jedes Mittel recht, um ihre Botschaften zu verbreiten. Ihr Protest ist eindrücklich – und ungeahnt kreativ.

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Russische Streetart gegen den Krieg – Von Alleinkämpfern, einer transregionalen feministischen Bewegung und alltäglichen Widerstandspraktiken.

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Erinnerungen, Traumata, ein aufziehender Bürgerkrieg: Darum geht es in dem Roman Libido des belarussischen Schriftstellers Illja Sin, der 2018 erschien. Wir präsentieren Auszüge aus der ausgezeichneten Antiutopie.

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84 года назад завершилась советско-финляндская война. Поначалу полномасштабную агрессию России против Украины часто сравнивали именно с ней. Но эта война закончилась всего за три с лишним месяца.

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Почему протесты редко заканчиваются свержением авторитарного режима

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История украденной революции в Казахстане

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Ein Gespräch mit Friederike Meltendorf über journalistisches Übersetzen.

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На исходе второго года агрессии против Украины создается впечатление, что антивоенный протест в России сошел на нет

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Woher der Eindruck kommt, dass sich in Russland niemand gegen den Krieg einsetzt

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In Europa verkannt, in Belarus teilweise verboten: In unserem Special könnt ihr Kurzprosa und Geschichten von Autoren und Schriftstellerinnen klassischer und zeitgenössischer belarussischer Literatur entdecken – mit Illustrationen von Katsiaryna Dubovik.

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Mit der Kurzgeschichte Zuhause debütierte Michas Stralzou im Jahr 1957. In dieser setzt sich der belarussisch-sowjetische Schriftsteller mit den Auswirkungen der Landflucht auseinander, die nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in der Belarussischen Sowjetrepublik einsetzte.

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Die Erzählung Die Feldlerche von Zjotka stammt aus dem Jahr 1914. Sie ist von der Idee geprägt, dass man sie an einem kalten Winterabend mit der ganzen Familie lesen kann, und dabei nicht nur Belarus, sondern auch Natur und Dorfleben besser kennenlernt.

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Krieg, Repressionen, Flucht und Exil: Rückblick auf ein düsteres Jahr 2023 in Bildern und Texten aus Russland, Belarus und der Ukraine

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1. The illusion of truth In the early hours of 24 February 2022, Russian troops began a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, crossing the border and then heading at speed in the direction of Kyiv and Kharkiv, through Donbas and southern Ukraine towards Crimea, all the while launching missile strikes at targets across the country. News […]

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Viele Russinnen und Russen unterstützen den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Propaganda spielt dabei eine Schlüsselrolle. Wir haben mehr als drei Millionen Artikel der wichtigsten propagandistischen Nachrichtenagentur Russlands analysiert und daraus die Muster herausgelesen, nach denen Propaganda funktioniert.

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Как пропаганда заставила миллионы россиян поверить в то, что война — самый верный путь к миру. Дата-исследование «Новой газеты Европа» и декодера.

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В сети пропаганды В 1999 году BBC выпустила на восьми тогда еще VHS-кассетах проект на русском языке о том, как делать телевидение. В последней части Владимир Познер разговаривает с известными в то время тележурналистами о профессиональной этике – что нужно, а что нельзя рассказывать людям? Можно ли с благими намерениями скрывать значимую информацию? Обязательно ли […]

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Что россияне думаю о войне против Украины? Многое говорит о том, что россияне в большинстве своем не хотели этой войны. Тем не менее, опросы и социологические эксперименты показывают, что после начала вторжения как минимум половина населения поддерживает как Путина, так и действия российской армии. По опросам Левады-Центра начиная с февраля 2022 – от 68 до […]

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Wie funktioniert russische Propaganda? Welche Narrative werden verbreitet? Und wie schafft man damit hohe Zustimmungswerte für Putin und den Krieg gegen die Ukraine? Ergebnisse einer Daten-Recherche von dekoder, Novaya Gazeta Europe und Süddeutscher Zeitung.

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У сваім эсэ беларускі пісьменнік Адам Свіргул тлумачыць, наколькі адкрыцці Курапатаў сфармавалі яго пакаленне і чаму ён лічыць памяць аб злачынствах сталінскага тэрору ключом да будучыні Беларусі.

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In seinem Essay erzählt der belarussische Autor Adam Swirgul, wie sehr die Entdeckungen von Kurapaty seine Generation prägten und warum er das Gedenken an die dortigen Verbrechen des Stalinschen Terrors für einen Schlüssel zur Zukunft von Belarus hält.

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Was wissen wir zu den Verbrechen, die in Kurapaty begangen wurden, und was nicht? Der Historiker Igor Kusnetzow über den schwierigen Weg der historischen Wahrheitsfindung zu einem der zentralen Orte des Stalinschen Terrors in Belarus.

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Dieser Artikel zu den Massengräbern in Kurapaty aus dem Jahr 1988 veränderte die belarussische Geschichte und Gesellschaft. Wir bringen den Artikel in einer vollständigen Neuübersetzung von Tina Wünschmann aus dem Belarussischen.

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Kurapaty ist ein Wendepunkt in der jüngeren belarussischen Geschichte. Als die Entdeckung von Massengräbern am nordwestlichen Rand der belarussischen Hauptstadt Minsk im Jahr 1988 bekannt wurde, ging ein Aufschrei durch die Gesellschaft. Wie konnte es passieren, dass Zehntausende Belarussen unter Stalin ermordet wurden? Warum wurde so lange über das Thema geschwiegen?

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Kapitel 1. Das rote Gas Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat. Duis aute irure dolor in reprehenderit in voluptate velit esse cillum dolore eu fugiat […]

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Was muss passieren, damit Russland nicht noch einmal die Chance auf eine demokratische Entwicklung verspielt? Aus dem Gefängnis heraus hat Alexej Nawalny eine Debatte darüber angestoßen, welche Lehren aus den Fehlern der 1990er Jahre gezogen werden müssen. dekoder stellt die interessantesten Beiträge vor.

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Das totalitäre Erbe kann nur überwunden werden, wenn die Schuldigen benannt und zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden, schreibt Wladimir Kara-Mursa.

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Alexej Nawalny warnt davor, noch einmal demokratische Prinzipien zugunsten pragmatischer Lösungen aufzugeben.

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Es ist zu leicht, alle Schuld auf Putin und seine Beamten abzuwälzen: Auch die russische Gesellschaft muss sich unbequeme Fragen stellen, meint Maxim Trudoljubow auf Meduza.

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О проекте «Мы хотим быть свободными людьми», — под этим лозунгом 17 июня 1953 года больше миллиона жителей ГДР вышло на улицы в первом из серии выступлений против коммунистической диктатуры в Восточной Европе. Потребовалось больше трех десятилетий, чтобы после кровавого подавления восстания немцы и вместе с ними все восточные европейцы добились свободы. С этого момента […]

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Как Майдан подготовил украинское общество к борьбе против российской агрессии

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Mit dem Ende der Diktaturen in Osteuropa glaubten viele, das demokratische Zeitalter breche an. Die Autokratien wurden jedoch zahlreicher und repressiver, heute kämpfen Millionen für ihre Freiheit. Manche gewinnen, die anderen scheitern. Können Freiheitsbewegungen voneinander lernen?

\n","date":"2023-06-16T11:14:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":285},{"databaseId":39921}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"freedom-protest","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":360,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"freiheit-protest","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":"© Maxim Dondyuk","beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":85729}]},{"title":"Das Großfürstentum in den Wolken","databaseId":83881,"excerpt":"

Als Belarus mit dem Ende der Sowjetunion im Jahr 1991 die Unabhängigkeit erlangte, forcierte sich auch die Suche nach einer nationalen Identität und einer eigenen Geschichtsschreibung. Abseits sowjetischer Narrative und Doktrine. In dieser Zeit des Aufbruchs wurde das Großfürstentum Litauen sozusagen einer der Dreh- und Angelpunkte dieser Suche. In seinem Beitrag beschreibt der belarussische Philosoph Ihar Babkou die Rolle des Großfürstentums für die damaligen Hoffnungen und Sehnsüchte der Belarussen.

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Die Schlacht bei Orscha im Jahr 1514 ist eines der bedeutenden Ereignisse für das Großfürstentum Litauen. Ein Ereignis, das bis heute Fragen aufwirft und auch prägend für die nationale Identität der Belarussen ist. Hienadź Sahanovič, als Historiker einer der Experten für diese kriegerische Auseinandersetzung, erklärt die Hintergründe der Schlacht, ihre politischen Folgen und ihre Bedeutung für die Gegenwart.

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Polen und Belarus teilen eine über Jahrhunderte verbundene Geschichte. Vor allem durch die gemeinsame Zugehörigkeit zum Großfürstentum Litauen und zur polnisch-litauischen Adelsrepublik. Es ist eine Geschichte, die nicht immer unproblematisch war und sich seit 1991 mitunter auf die Beziehungen zwischen beiden Ländern auswirkt. Diese beleuchtet der polnische Politologe Kamil Kłysiński in seinem Beitrag.

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Die Litauer waren eine der ersten Nationen, die sich mit den belarussischen Protesten im Jahr 2020 solidarisierten. Als tausende Belarussen im Zuge der Repressionen aus ihrem Land flüchten mussten, nahm Litauen diese Flüchtlinge aus dem Nachbarland bereitwillig auf. Die gemeinsame Geschichte, die das baltische Land mit Belarus teilt, geht vor allem auf die Zeit des Großfürstentums zurück. Der Historiker und Politologe Andrzej Pukszto erörtert in seinem Beitrag die Herausforderungen dieser Vergangenheit für die litauisch-belarussischen Beziehungen.

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Ruthenisch? Schon mal gehört? Nein? Kein Problem. Michael Moser, Sprachwissenschaftler an der Universität Wien, erklärt die Ursprünge und Mysterien einer Sprache, die als Kanzleisprache des Großfürstentum Litauens zu Ruhm gelangte und die nicht selten zu einer Art „Alt-Belarusisch” vereinfacht wird.

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Das Großfürstentum Litauen war einer der größten Staaten der Erde. Er erstreckte sich von der Ostsee bis zum Schwarzen Meer. Die multikulturelle und in vielfacher Hinsicht grenzüberwindende Faszination dieses Herrschaftsgebietes hat auch die polnische Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Olga Tokarczuk zu ihrem opus magnum „Die Jakobsbücher“ inspiriert. 

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Как церковь, пострадавшая от советского авторитаризма, стала провозвестницей российского

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Es sollte eine rasche Militäroperation werden. Daraus wurde jedoch ein großflächiger, verlustreicher Abnutzungskrieg: Historiker Michael Jonas über den finnisch-sowjetischen Winterkrieg 1939/40.

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Die Kriegsfront hat sich auch in die Welt der Zeichen und Symbole verlagert – in Russland wie in der Ukraine. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger stellen Symbole, Zeichen und Begriffe der ukrainischen Subversion und Gegenwehr vor.

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Подробный разбор перевода — большая редкость в практике перевода журналистики. Анна Шибарова предприняла такую попытку и открывает в своем метатексте новые слои оригинала и перевода.

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Мем с кошечками завирусился в русскоязычном интернете. А можно перевести игру слов? Ирина Знаменская задала этот вопрос в фейсбуке. Саша Харитонский написал об этом пост, а Дженни Зейц перевела его на немецкий. Дополнение Александры Берлиной отвечает на вопрос: Что такое мемы?

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Что увидит переводчик, если заглянет сам себе через плечо? Какие вопросы он себе задаст? С кем поведет внутренний диалог? Хартмут Шрёдер прибегнул в процессе перевода к старому культурному приему, а именно к ведению дневника – и предоставил нам результат.

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Рут Альтенхофер изучает собственные переводы интервью для dekoder, обнажая свои приемы и цели: «Создать у читателей и читательниц dekoder, даже не понимающих по-русски, ощущение, что они присутствуют при разговоре»

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Что такое перевод журналистики? Где им занимаются? В большинстве СМИ переводят лишь изредка, отдельные материалы — а для dekoder это несущая идея, его насущный хлеб. И как же это устроено в реальности? И что об этом думают переводчики и переводчицы, редакторки и редакторы?

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Политкорректность не стала нормой в русском языке. Что же делать, если при переводе текста приходится об этом задумываться? Сделать вид, что проблемы нет? И тем самым, в сущности, отказать в переводе автору или его героям? Нет, это не выход, говорит Мария Райер, которая выступает за прозрачность и право голоса для всех.

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Какие сложности мы преодолеваем, переводя журналистские тексты? Какие из них связаны с конкретным текстом, а какие встречаются постоянно, меняя только образ/текст/текстуру? Хенриетте Рейснер предложила несколько тезисов, которые мы обсудили в нашей мастерской Neustart.

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Как задумывался этот спецпроект и что за ним стоит.

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между культурой, политикой и эстетикой

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Александра Берлина о звездочках, фигах в кармане и других формах протеста, а также о сложном вопросе: как переводить антивоенную символику?

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На что способны эссе? Как они устроены? На что нужно обращать внимание, чтобы они не проигрывали в переводе? Анья Шлоссбергер-Оберхаммер о переводе журналисткого жанра, столько важного для неспокойных времен именно тем, что он никого не пытается переубедить.

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Журналистские тексты меняются со временем и в зависимости от того, где, как и в каком контексте они публикуются. Репортажи «Новой газеты» здесь не исключение. Как эти изменения проявляются в переводе? Ирина Бондас отправляется в путешествие между текстами, временами и языками.

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How the special took shape and what lies behind it

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What does journalistic translation involve and where does it happen? Whereas most media outlets only occasionally have a piece translated, translation is fundamental to the entire concept of dekoder. How does something like that work? And what does it mean for translators and editors?

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The Russian language is not, in the narrower meaning of the term, politically correct. What does a translator do when faced with such aspects in a text? Pretend they aren’t there? And perhaps, by doing so, do an injustice to the authors and protagonists? That is certainly not the answer, says Maria Rajer, who calls for transparency and self-empowerment in translation work.

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What can essays do? How do they do it? And what has to be kept in mind when they are being translated to ensure that they will still be able to do it in the other language? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer on the translation of a journalistic form whose importance in times of turmoil lies in the fact that it does not seek to convince its readers of something.

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Ruth Altenhofer observed herself translating interviews for dekoder in order to figure out just what it is she is doing when she translates. And she concluded: “I make sure that dekoder readers who cannot understand Russian feel like they are sitting right there at the table during the conversation.” Here, she tells us how.

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The close-reading of a translation is not often done with journalistic translations. Together with her students, Anna Shibarova did just that – and her metatext opens up new layers of a text and its translation.

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It is thanks to translators that there are texts in languages and cultures that they did not originate in. So it is annoying when people behave as though translators don’t exist, as sometimes happens. But where can and should translators be visible? Larissa Schippel addresses the question from a translation theory perspective.

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If a translator looks over his own shoulder as he translates, what does he see? What does he ask himself? And with whom does he argue? Hartmut Schröder adopted a venerable cultural technique while working on a translation: journal-keeping. And then he let us have it.

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A cat meme goes viral on the Russian-language Internet. On Facebook, university lecturer Irina Znamenskaya asked – how can the language-based joke be translated? Sasha Kharitonski responded in a post which Zachary King translated into English. Alexandra Berlina’s addendum seeks to answer the question: What are memes, actually?

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Journalistic texts change over time and with the setting, manner and context in which they appear. Novaya Gazeta’s reportage is an example. How is this manifest during translation? Irina Bondas sets out on a path through texts, times and languages.

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What challenges do we encounter when translating journalistic texts – which of these are text-specific, and which crop up repeatedly, just in different garb. Henriette Reisner on topics discussed in our Neustart workshop.

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Alexandra Berlina on asterisks, figs in the pocket and other forms of protest, as well as the difficult question of how to translate signals and anti-war symbolism.

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Die 1990er Jahre waren revolutionär für die belarussische Musik: Eine Zeit der mutigen Experimente und die Geburtsstunde eines echten, gesunden belarussischen Showbusiness. Eine Hommage von Nasha Niva.

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Rebellion durch Sprache: In der Kultur der Rock- und Alternativmusik nimmt das Belarussische seit den 1980er Jahren eine bedeutende Stellung ein. Wir haben einige belarussische Kulturpersönlichkeiten befragt, wie sie zum Belarussischen gekommen sind und warum sie die Sprache für ihre Musik oder ihre Arbeit zu verwenden begannen.

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Aus dem digitalen Fotoarchiv der Musik-Zeitung, das mit dem Aufkommen erschwinglicher Digitalkameras um das Jahr 2000 seinen Anfang nahm, zeigen wir eine Auswahl an Fotos aus jener Zeit, in der die belarussische Rockmusik tonangebend und stilprägend war.

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Zs und Vs auf Autos, Panzern und öffentlichen Plätzen – der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine wird auch auf Ebene der Codes, Symbole und Zeichen geführt. Doch derer bedient sich nicht nur die russische Propaganda, sondern auch die Protestbewegung in Russland. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger mit einer Momentaufnahme dieser coded language und ausgewählten Beispielen – in Wort und Bild.

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Der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine ist auch ein Krieg der Symbole. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger zeigen ausgewählte Beispiele – in Wort und Bild.

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Journalistische Texte verändern sich über die Zeit und in Abhängigkeit davon, wo und wie und in welchem Kontext sie erscheinen. Die Reportagen der Novaya Gazeta sind ein Beispiel dafür Wie macht sich das beim Übersetzen bemerkbar? Irina Bondas begibt sich auf den Weg zwischen Texte, Zeiten und Sprachen.

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Was heißt journalistisches Übersetzen und wo findet es statt? Während in den meisten Medien oft nur einzelne Beiträge übersetzt werden, ist das Übersetzen bei dekoder ein tragender Teil des Konzepts. Wie funktioniert so etwas? Und was bedeutet das für Übersetzer:innen und Redakteur:innen?

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zwischen Kultur, Politik und Ästhetik

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Dank Übersetzern gibt es Texte in jeweils anderen Sprachen und Kulturen. Da ist es ärgerlich, wenn manche so tun, als gäbe es sie nicht. An welchen Stellen also können und sollten die Übersetzer:innen sichtbar werden? Das beleuchtet Larisa Schippel aus übersetzungswissenschaftlicher Perspektive.

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Welchen Herausforderungen begegnen wir beim Übersetzen journalistischer Texte – was davon ist spezifisch und was begegnet uns immer wieder, nur in unterschiedlichen Kleidern/Texten/in unterschiedlicher Textur? Henriette Reisner mit Thesen, die wir im Neustart-Workshop diskutierten.

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Alexandra Berlina über Sternchen, Hosentaschenfeigen und andere Protestformen sowie die schwierige Frage: Wie übersetzt man Zeichen und Antikriegssymbolik?

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Ein Kätzchen-Meme geht viral im russischsprachigen Internet. Wie kann man den Sprachwitz übersetzen?, fragte die Dozentin Irina Snamenskaja auf Facebook. In einem Post hat sich Sascha Charitonski dazu Gedanken gemacht, Jennie Seitz hat ihn ins Deutsche übersetzt. Alexandra Berlina fragt im Nachtrag: Was sind eigentlich Memes?

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Ruth Altenhofer beobachtet ihre eigenen Interview-Übersetzungen für dekoder und kommt dabei ihrem Tun auf die Schliche: „Ich sorge dafür, dass dekoder-LeserInnen, die kein Russisch verstehen, das Gefühl haben, mit am Tisch zu sitzen.“ Hier beschreibt sie, wie sie das macht.

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Wenn ein Übersetzer sich selbst über die Schulter und auf die Finger schaut, was sieht er da? Welche Fragen stellt er sich? Und mit wem diskutiert er? Hartmut Schröder hat während einer Übersetzung zu einer alten Kulturtechnik gegriffen, nämlich Tagebuch geschrieben – und es uns überlassen.

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Close-Reading einer Übersetzung – das kommt im journalistischen Übersetzen nicht oft vor. Anna Shibarowa tat es und eröffnet durch ihren Metatext neue Schichten eines Textes und seiner Übersetzung.

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Was können Essays? Und wie machen sie das? Und was muss man beim Übersetzen beachten, damit sie es in der anderen Sprache auch noch tun? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer über das Übersetzen einer journalistischen Form, die in unruhigen Zeiten wichtig ist, weil sie nicht überzeugen will.

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Politisch korrekt im engeren Sinne ist die russische Sprache nicht. Was macht eine Übersetzerin, die mit solchen Aspekten im Text konfrontiert ist? So tun, als wäre nichts? Und damit Autoren und Protagonisten womöglich nicht gerecht werden? Das ist bestimmt keine Lösung, so Maria Rajer, die für Transparenz und Selbstermächtigung beim Übersetzen plädiert.

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Wie das Special entstanden ist und was dahinter steckt.

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Russlands Präsident Wladimir Putin eskaliert den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. In den russisch besetzten Teilen der Ukraine sind vermeintliche „Referenden“ über einen Beitritt zu Russland angekündigt. Warum das keine echten Referenden sind und inwiefern das Vorgehen Teil der russischen Kriegsführung ist – das erklären die Wissenschaftlerinnen Cindy Wittke und Gwendolyn Sasse.

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Das Kernkraftwerk Saporishshja – das leistungsstärkste AKW in Europa – liegt im Kriegsgebiet in der Ukraine. Es ist von der russischen Armee besetzt, so etwas hat es bisher nicht gegeben. Wie groß ist die Gefahr für einen Reaktorunfall? Kann es ein zweites Tschernobyl geben?

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Беларуская міфалогія

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беларуская мифология

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Seit dem 24. Februar 2022 führt Russland einen offenen Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine. Wie rechtfertigt Putin diesen Krieg? Wie leistet die Ukraine Widerstand? Und wo liegen die Chancen der Diplomatie? Dazu schreiben Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler in unserem FAQ

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«Украина переживет эту войну, как пережила Голодомор, массовые депортации крестьян и гонения на украинских диссидентов. Украина переживет и выстоит». Украинский писатель Андрей Курков рассказывает о Дне Независимости своей страны — ровно через полгода после начала полномасштабного вторжения России в Украину.

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Am 24. August feiert die Ukraine traditionell ihre Unabhängigkeit, auf die es Russland nicht erst mit dem vor sechs Monaten losgetretenen Angriffskrieg abgesehen hat. Was bedeutet der Krieg für das Unabhängigkeitsgefühl der Ukrainer? Und wie blicken die den Ukrainern verbundenen Belarussen auf den Feiertag? Darüber schreiben die beiden Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow und Alhierd Bacharevič.

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Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, bei dem auch Belarus eine unheilvolle Rolle spielt, sieht sich der Schriftsteller und Lyriker Alhierd Bacharevič einer schmerzhaften Zerrissenheit ausgeliefert.

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„Die Ukraine wird diesen Krieg überleben.” Davon ist der ukrainische Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow überzeugt. Seit Beginn der großen russischen Invasion vor einem halben Jahr beschäftigt er sich nicht mehr mit der Fiktion seiner Romane, sondern damit, der Welt die Geschichte und Kultur seines Landes näherzubringen.

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Im Krieg gegen die Ukraine steht der belarussische Machthaber Alexander Lukaschenko an der Seite des russischen Präsidenten Putin. Doch bislang sind keine seiner Truppen beteiligt. Warum hilft er Putin? Was hat er zu gewinnen, was zu verlieren? Und was bedeutet das für seinen eigenen Machterhalt?

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Das war der Stand nach drei Monaten Krieg: Wie lief der Krieg bis dato ab? Wie leistet die ukrainische Armee Widerstand? Und wie groß ist die Gefahr einer atomaren Eskalation?

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Kurz nach dem Angriff auf die Hauptstadt Kiew bot der ukrainische Präsident Selensky eine Neutralität seines Landes an – allerdings geknüpft an Bedingungen.
\nWas kann eine neutrale Ukraine denn theoretisch überhaupt heißen? Und wäre das so eine einfache Lösung, wie es klingt?

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Die Hoffnung lag von Beginn an auf der Diplomatie. Doch wie sind die Chancen auf einen möglichen Waffenstillstand? Kann nicht doch die UNO helfen? Warum ist es so schwierig, mit Putin an den Verhandlungstisch zu gehen?

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Wie hat Wladimir Putin den Angriff auf Kiew und die großflächige Invasion am 24. Februar 2022 begonnen? Und mit welchen Propaganda-Formeln versucht er, ihn legitim erscheinen zu lassen?

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Vorgehen gegen „ausländische Agenten“ in Medien und Zivilgesellschaft, Memorial International aufgelöst, Alexej Nawalny im Straflager … 2021 – ein Jahr des Shifts in Russland.

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У Беларусі святкуюць каталіцкае і праваслаўнае Раство, знітаваны з савецкім мінулым Новы год і – Каляды. У гэтай кароткай гнозе мы тлумачым, што гэта за старажытная традыцыя і адкуль яна паходзіць.

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In Belarus wird das katholische und orthodoxe Weihnachten gefeiert, dazu das aus der Sowjetunion stammende Neujahr und: Kaljady. In dieser kurzen Gnose erklären wir, was es mit diesem archaischen Weihnachtsfest auf sich hat und woher es stammt.

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Жыла сабе адна краіна. Жыла як усе — то добра, то ня вельмі. Жыхары ейныя былі працавітыя ды руплівыя — сеялі, жалі, будавалі, пісалі кнігі, сьпявалі песьні, нараджалі дзяцей. Адно было ў гэтай краіне ня так, як ва ўсіх — ня мела яна караля. Ну, ня мела й ня мела. Зьбіралася двойчы на год рада […]

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Bis zum Beginn des vollumfänglichen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, wurde die wachsende Abhängigkeit von russischem Gas in Deutschland häufig damit gerechtfertigt, Moskau habe doch stets zuverlässig geliefert. Ein Blick auf die Details zeigt ein anderes Bild.

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Moskaus Politik mit den Gaspreisen

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Bis zum Beginn des vollumfänglichen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine wurde die wachsende Abhängigkeit von russischem Gas in Deutschland häufig damit gerechtfertigt, Moskau habe doch stets zuverlässig und günstig geliefert. Ein Blick auf die Details.

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Seit der Auflösung der Sowjetunion wurde der Export von russischem Erdgas nach Europa stetig weiter ausgebaut. Die Kapazität aller Pipelines, die Gas von russischen Feldern in den Westen transportierten, hat sich seit den 1990er Jahren innerhalb von drei Jahrzehnten verdoppelt. Obwohl Moskau seit Beginn der 2000er Jahre die Strategie verfolgte, beim Bau neuer Leitungen Drittstaaten in Mittelosteuropa zu umgehen, war in Politik und Wirtschaft ein Argument lange Konsens: Pipelines sind mehr als Transportwege, sie sind gleichzeitig ein Beitrag zu Frieden und Verständigung. Dabei war schon früh erkennbar, wie die Führung in Moskau mit Energiepreisen Politik machte: Folgsame Regierungen erhielten großzügige Rabatte, unliebsame wurden mit saftigen Preisaufschlägen bestraft. 

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1. Postsowjetische Pipelines

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Im Zuge der Auflösung der Sowjetunion wurde das Ministerium für die Erdgaswirtschaft, das für die sowjetischen Erdgasexporte zuständig war, in das Unternehmen Gazprom umgewandelt. Trotz einer Teilprivatisierung blieb die Mehrheit an Gazprom immer im Staatsbesitz. Gazprom erhielt das Monopol auf den Export von Erdgas.

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Das Unternehmen entwickelte ehrgeizige Pläne für Ausbau von Förderung und Export. Partnerschaften mit westeuropäischen Firmen verschafften Gazprom einerseits Kapital für Investitionen und andererseits moderne Fördertechnik für die Erschließung neuer Gasfelder im hohen Norden auf der Jamal-Halbinsel.

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Gazprom entwickelte ehrgeizige Pläne für Ausbau von Förderung und Export

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Die größten deutschen Partner von Gazprom waren Ruhrgas (später E.ON, dann Uniper) und Wintershall im Besitz von BASF (jetzt Wintershall Dea). Beide Firmen entwickelten enge Partnerschaften mit Gazprom. Ruhrgas war in den 2000er Jahren Minderheitsaktionär von Gazprom. Ruhrgas und Wintershall erhielten beide Anteile an russischen Erdgasfeldern, die von Gazprom betrieben wurden. Beide schlossen bereits Anfang der 2010er Jahre langfristige Verträge mit Gazprom mit Laufzeiten bis 2036 bzw. 2043. Ruhrgas organisierte Trainings für über 2000 Nachwuchskräfte von Gazprom, mehr als 1500 Gazprom-Beschäftigte verbrachten auf Einladung von Ruhrgas ihre Ferien in Deutschland. Es gab zwischen den beiden Firmen auch ein Austauschprogramm für Kinder von Beschäftigten.

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Der größte Bereich für die Zusammenarbeit zwischen Gazprom und deutschen Unternehmen war seit den 1990er Jahren der Bau neuer Pipelines, die über ganz neue Routen verlaufen sollten.

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In den 1960–1980 Jahren baut die Sowjetunion eine Reihe von Gas-Pipelines nach Europa. Die meisten sind das Ergebnis eines Tauschgeschäftes: 1. Die Sowjetunion bekommt im Westen Stahlrohre, die für den Bau notwendig sind. 2. Die Rohre werden mit Krediten bezahlt, die ebenso aus dem Westen kommen. 3. Die Kredite werden mit Erdgaslieferungen getilgt.

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Die Gasexporte nach Westeuropa steigen rasant von 19 Milliarden Kubikmeter im Jahr 1975 auf 110 Milliarden Kubikmeter im Jahr 1990.

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Bis zur Auflösung der Sowjetunion verlaufen alle Exportpipelines über das Territorium der Ukrainischen Sowjetrepublik. Die seit 1991 unabhängige Ukraine wird somit zum zentralen Transitland für russisches Gas.

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Nur drei Jahre nach der Auflösung der Sowjetunion beginnen Gazprom und Wintershall ein neues Bauprojekt – die Jamal-Pipeline. Diese soll sibirisches Gas aus den Gasfeldern auf der Halbinsel Jamal bis nach Deutschland liefern.

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Die Pipeline geht 1999 in Betrieb und wird zur ersten Pipeline, die Erdgas abseits der Ukraine – über Belarus und Polen – nach Europa liefern soll.

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In den 2000er Jahren bemüht sich Gazprom, die Bedeutung von Transitstaaten für Erdgaspipelines zu reduzieren. Das nächste große Projekt – Blue Stream – liefert Erdgas von Russland durch das Schwarze Meer direkt in die Türkei.

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2011 geht Nord Stream I in Betrieb, eine weitere Pipeline nach Deutschland, nun aber durch die Ostsee.

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2020 wird eine weitere Pipeline auch in die Türkei gebaut: TurkStream.

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2022 soll auch Nord Stream 2 in Betrieb gehen, die die Kapazitäten der Nord Stream 1 verdoppeln sollte.

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Spätestens ab 2009 arbeitete Gazprom gezielt daran, die Bedeutung der Ukraine als Transitland zu reduzieren. Während Ende der 1990er das ganze Gas durch die Ukraine floss, war es 2021 weniger als ein Viertel.

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Für das Bemühen, Transitländer zu umgehen, gab es zunächst einen wirtschaftlichen Hintergrund: Transitgebühren werden gespart und das Risiko von Lieferausfällen wird reduziert. Im Fall der Ukraine gewann aber seit der Ukraine-Krise 2014 ein geopolitisches Motiv an Bedeutung, da die Ukraine – oder zumindest die ukrainische Regierung – als Gegner wahrgenommen wurden.

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Eröffnungszeremonie der Nord Stream 1-Gaspipeline am 8. November 2011 in Lubmin / Foto © kremlin.ru unter CC BY 4.0
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Dieses geopolitische Motiv beunruhigte die Transitländer, insbesondere die Ukraine und Polen. Sie fürchteten nicht nur den Wegfall von Transiteinnahmen, sondern auch den Verlust einer strategischen Absicherung gegen russischen Druck.

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Dieses geopolitische Motiv war auch die Ursache für die im Dezember 2019 eingeführten US-Sanktionen gegen Nord Stream 2, denn ohne diese Pipeline muss der entsprechende Transit weiterhin durch die Ukraine erfolgen. Die in Deutschland oft geäußerte Behauptung, die USA wollten ihr eigenes Flüssiggas nach Deutschland verkaufen, macht hingegen keinen Sinn. Denn es ging damals ja gar nicht um eine Reduzierung russischer Erdgaslieferungen, sondern nur um den Transportweg – statt durch die Ostsee sollte Russland durch die Ukraine liefern.

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2. Wie abhängig war Europa tatsächlich?

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Seinen Zenit erreichte das russische „Erdgas-Imperium“ im Jahr 2019. Russlands Erdgasexporte hatten mit gesamt 260 Milliarden Kubikmeter einen neuen Höchststand erreicht. Davon gingen gut 80 Prozent nach Europa (einschließlich Türkei), gut 10 Prozent an Nachbarstaaten auf dem Gebiet der ehemaligen Sowjetunion und knapp 10 Prozent wurden als Flüssiggas nach Asien exportiert, wo Japan der größte Abnehmer war.

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Für die Europäische Union bedeutete dies: Fast die Hälfte ihrer Erdgasimporte kamen aus Russland. Die Frage ist aber: War das viel?

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2019 beträgt der Anteil des russischen Erdgases an den EU-Gasimporten 47 Prozent.

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Um die Bedeutung dieser Zahl einschätzen zu können, müssen wir sie in Bezug setzen zum gesamten Energieverbrauch. Das geht in zwei Schritten:

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Im ersten Schritt müssen wir berücksichtigen, wie viel Erdgas die EU Länder selbst produzieren. Insgesamt produziert die EU 2019 ein Fünftel ihres Erdgasbedarfs selbst. Das heißt, dass der Anteil russischer Exporte am gesamten Erdgasverbrauch in der EU bei 40 Prozent lag.

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Im zweiten Schritt schauen wir, wie groß der Erdgasanteil am gesamten Energieverbrauch (Energiemix) ist – also wenn man auch andere Energieträger wie Wind, Solar, Erdöl, Kohle etc. berücksichtigt.

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2019 stammten rund 8 Prozent der gesamten Energie, die die EU verbrauchte, aus russischem Erdgas.

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Die Zahlen unterscheiden sich aber für die einzelnen europäischen Staaten sehr stark. Nun werfen wir auch den Blick auf die Zahlen über die Europäische Union hinaus.

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Von den 40 europäischen Flächenstaaten (einschließlich der Türkei) bezogen 11 überhaupt kein Erdgas aus Russland. Da ist der Anteil, sowohl bei den Exporten als auch beim Energiemix - 0,0.

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In einigen anderen Ländern kann dagegen 100 Prozent Erdgas aus Russland stammen.
Der Grad der Abhängigkeit hängt jedoch maßgeblich vom Anteil im Energiemix ab.

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Finnland und Estland bezogen ihr Erdgas vollständig aus Russland. Im Energiemix machte Gas dort allerdings nur 7 bzw. 8 Prozent des gesamten Energieverbrauchs aus. In Moldau, das ebenfalls zu 100 Prozent mit russischem Gas versorgt wurde, lag der Anteil bei 17 Prozent – also fast einem Fünftel.

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Die meisten europäischen Länder mixen die Gasquellen. Nur bei 12 Ländern lag der Anteil des russischen Erdgases im gesamten Energiemix bei über 10 Prozent. Darunter auch Deutschland.

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In Deutschland betrug der Wert 13 Prozent. Der höchste Wert in der EU war aber bei Ungarn - mehr als ein Viertel.

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Der absolute Ausreißer auf dem europäischen Kontinent war (und ist) jedoch Belarus. Der Anteil des russischen Gases betrug im Energiemix 81 Prozent.

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Ein hoher Anteil russischen Gases bedeutete aber nicht automatisch eine direkte Abhängigkeit von Russland. Am deutlichsten zeigt dies das Beispiel der Ukraine: In Reaktion auf die russische militärische Aggression ab 2014 stoppte das Land 2016 direkte Erdgasimporte aus Russland. Das Land bezog zwar weiterhin russisches Erdgas, jedoch über Zwischenhändler aus der EU.

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Das war für die Ukraine allein schon deshalb sinnvoll, weil das Erdgas trotz des Umweges über die EU billiger war als bei direkter Lieferung aus Russland.

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3. Freunde zahlen weniger

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Da Erdgas in den 1970er Jahren als Konkurrent zu Erdöl antrat, wurde im Interesse der Abnehmer der Lieferpreis für Erdgas über komplexe Formeln an den Preis für Erdöl gekoppelt. Im Falle sinkender Erdölpreise sank damit auch der Preis der Erdgasimporte, so dass Erdgas auf dem Importmarkt konkurrenzfähig blieb. Lieferverträge mit einer Dauer von mehreren Jahrzehnten garantierten gleichzeitig dem Lieferanten eine langfristige Einnahmequelle, die die hohen Kosten des Pipelinebaus rechtfertigte.

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Das änderte sich erst mit der Liberalisierung des EU-Erdgasmarktes im Jahr 2009 und dem Aufkommen von Flüssiggas. Flüssiggas wird per Schiff transportiert und kann ähnlich wie Erdöl bei Lieferung auf Spotmärkten, also kurzfristig an den Meistbietenden verkauft werden. Flüssiggas konnte dabei für einige Zeit deutlich unterhalb der von Gazprom gesetzten Preise gekauft werden.

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Es stimmt also nicht, dass Deutschland von Russland grundsätzlich billiges Gas erhielt

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Der deutsche Energiekonzern RWE erwirkte 2013 gegen Gazprom ein Schiedsgerichtsurteil zur Aufhebung der Ölpreisbindung in den Lieferverträgen. RWE erhielt von Gazprom einen Schadensersatz von mehr als einer Milliarde Euro für die seit 2010 über dem Marktniveau gezahlten Preise. Es stimmt also nicht, dass Deutschland von Russland grundsätzlich billiges Gas erhielt. Vielmehr wurden die Preise nach unterschiedlicher Logik bestimmt: Bei Russland war es die Koppelung an den Ölpreis, auf dem Spotmarkt der Ausgleich von Angebot und Nachfrage.

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Eine ganz andere Logik wandte Gazprom gegenüber Abnehmerländern auf dem Gebiet der ehemaligen Sowjetunion an. Wahrgenommene geopolitische Partnerschaften führten zu starken Preisnachlässen, russische Unzufriedenheit mit der Politik eines Landes oft zu drastischen Preiserhöhungen. Diese wurden um intransparente Straf- und Zinsforderungen ergänzt.

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Den Unterschied zeigen die Lieferpreise von Gazprom für Deutschland einerseits und für Belarus andererseits. Die Preise sind weder identisch, noch entwickeln sie sich parallel. Deutschland zahlt 2011 ein Drittel mehr als Belarus, 2012 mehr als doppelt so viel und 2013 fast viermal so viel. Während die Preise für Deutschland sich nur geringfügig ändern, bekommt Belarus immer mehr Rabatt. 2013 ist der niedrigste Preis erreicht.

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Die Preise für die Ukraine, ein direktes Nachbarland von Belarus, entwickeln sich derweil ganz anders: Nach der Orangenen Revolution, bei der der „Russland-nahe“ Kandidat Viktor Janukowytsch die Präsidentenwahl verliert, steigt der Erdgaspreis für die Ukraine von 40 US-Dollar pro 1000 Kubikmeter Schritt für Schritt an auf bis zu 305 US-Dollar im Jahr 2010.

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Viktor Janukowytsch (geb. 1950) war von 2002 bis 2005 und von 2006 bis 2007 Ministerpräsident sowie von 2010 bis 2014 Präsident der Ukraine. Vor dem Hintergrund der Euromaidan-Ausschreitungen floh er nach Russland, das ukrainische Parlament Werchowna Rada erklärte ihn im Februar 2014 für abgesetzt. Janukowytschs Regierungszeit war verbunden mit tiefgreifender autoritärer Konsolidierung. Laut einer 2015 in der Ukraine durchgeführten Meinungsumfrage ist Janukowytsch die unbeliebteste historische Figur aller Zeiten. Viele Ukrainer werfen ihm Manipulationen und massive Verbrechen vor.

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Als in der Ukraine der „russlandnahe“ Viktor Janukowitsch 2010 Präsident wird, gibt es bereits in seinem ersten Amtsjahr sofort einen Rabatt von 25 Prozent. Da die Ukraine jedoch weiter mit der EU über ein Assoziierungsabkommen verhandelt, steigen die Preise für die Ukraine schnell wieder. 2013 ist der russische Lieferpreis für die Ukraine fast sechsmal so hoch wie der für Belarus. Nach dem Abschluss des Assoziierungsabkommens mit der Europäischen Union war es für die Ukraine trotz der Zwischenhändler billiger, russisches Gas aus der EU zu importieren als direkt aus Russland. Die Ukraine bezieht seit 2016 für den eigenen Bedarf kein Erdgas mehr direkt aus Russland.

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Ähnliches gilt für Georgien nach dem Krieg mit Russland im Jahr 2008: Das Land bezahlt doppelt so viel für russisches Erdgas wie Armenien, für das das Gas durch Georgien weiter transportiert wird.

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An den Preisen von Gazprom im Jahr 2010 lässt sich beispielhaft die „Vorzugsbehandlung politischer Freunde“ ablesen: Belarus und Armenien als Verbündete zahlen den niedrigsten Preis. Georgien und die Ukraine, mit denen es massive Spannungen gibt, zahlen deutlich mehr.

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Das Schweißen der Naht bei der Zeremonie zur Verbindung des ersten Abschnitts der Pipeline Sila Sibiri [Kraft Sibiriens], 1. September 2014 / Foto © Kremlin.ru unter CC BY 4.0
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4. Untergang des Erdgas-Imperiums

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Aufgrund der großen Abhängigkeit sah die EU keine Sanktionen für Erdgaslieferungen vor – nach dem Beginn des großflächigen russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine im Frühjahr 2022 gab es keine solchen Reaktionen. Auch die Gazprombank, die die Zahlungen für russische Erdgaslieferungen abwickelte, wurde nicht mit Sanktionen belegt.

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Russland wollte aber seinerseits die Abhängigkeit der EU beim Erdgas nutzen, um Druck auszuüben. Einerseits wurden Zahlungen in Rubel verlangt, um den Wechselkurs zu stärken, andererseits wurden Gaslieferungen eingeschränkt. Um Entschädigungsforderungen zu vermeiden, suchte Gazprom dabei Vorwände, wie etwa Probleme bei der Lieferung einer Turbine für die Nord Stream 1-Pipeline. Durch Sprengstoffanschläge wurden im September 2022 die Nord Stream 1-Pipeline sowie ein Strang der Nord Stream 2-Pipeline so beschädigt, dass eine Nutzung nicht mehr möglich war.

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Im Laufe des Jahres 2022 stellte Gazprom die Lieferung in die meisten EU-Länder ein.

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Für Deutschland zum Beispiel sank der Anteil Russlands an der Erdgasversorgung innerhalb eines Jahres von über 50 Prozent auf Null.

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Die Jamal-Pipeline und die Nord Stream 1-Pipeline wurden ab 2022 nicht mehr genutzt.

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Der Transit durch die Ukraine nutzte weniger als ein Zehntel der vor Beginn des großflächigen russischen Angriffskriegs vorhandenen Kapazität. Mit dem Ende des Transitvertrages zwischen Russland und der Ukraine stoppte die Ukraine Ende 2024 den Erdgastransit aus Russland, der auch während des Krieges kontinuierlich weitergelaufen war.

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Russische Erdgaslieferungen in die EU erfolgen seitdem über TurkStream durch die Türkei und den Balkan bzw. zunehmend als Flüssiggas per Tanker.

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Gazprom hat dabei auch mittelfristig keine Alternativen zu den Lieferungen nach Europa. Die einzige Pipeline zu neuen Absatzmärkten, Sila Sibiri [dt. Kraft Sibiriens]. wird nach China gebaut. Baubeginn war 2014, Lieferungen durch die Pipeline begannen Ende 2019. Der Anteil Chinas an den russischen Exporten lag aber 2021 noch bei weniger als 10 Prozent.

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Nach Fertigstellung der Pipeline Ende 2024 können die Exporte nach China immer noch weniger als ein Viertel der russischen Exporte nach Europa ersetzen. Hinzu kommt, dass die Pipeline aufgrund der von China ausgehandelten Preise von unabhängigen Experten als „Verlustgeschäft“ gesehen wird.

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Russland verlor seit 2022 einen großen Teil seines Erdgas-Imperiums.

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Trotzdem bemüht sich Gazprom nach dem Verlust des europäischen Absatzmarktes um den Bau weiterer Export Pipelines nach China – Sila Sibiri-2 und 3. Eine Einigung mit China wurde jedoch bisher nicht erreicht. Aufgrund der langen Bauzeiten für Pipelines gibt es also für Russland auf absehbare Zeit keine weiteren Alternativen zum Flüssiggas. Auch beim Flüssiggas beginnt die Expansion von einem niedrigen Niveau. Flüssiggas hatte 2022 einen Anteil von 15 Prozent an den russischen Exporten. Die Ausweitung ist ein langfristiges Projekt und wird durch westliche Sanktionen auf Technologieexporte erschwert.

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Die Internationale Energieagentur aktualisierte nach 2022 ihre Schätzung für die Zukunft russischer Erdgasexporte drastisch nach unten. Die Prognose für 2030 wurde um zwei Drittel reduziert.

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Text: Heiko Pleines
Redaktion: Julian Hans und Leonid A. Klimov
Datenvisualisierung und Karten: Artjom Schtschennikow
Schlussredaktion: Friederike Meltendorf
Illustration: Anna I.
Veröffentlicht am 31. Juli 2025

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Die Publikation ist Teil des Projekts „Russlands unsichtbare Kriege“, das dekoder in Kooperation und mit finanzieller Unterstützung des Center for Governance and Culture in Europe an der Universität St. Gallen (GCE-HSG) umsetzt. Das Projekt wurde zusätzlich von der ZEIT STIFTUNG BUCERIUS im Rahmen des Programms „Offene Wissenschaft“ unterstützt.

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Das Konzept des Projektes wurde von Prof. Dr. Ulrich Schmid, Mandy Ganske-Zapf und Leonid A. Klimov entwickelt.

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Daten und Quellen\n

Pipeline-Routen: “Global Energy Monitor, Global Gas Infrastructure Tracker, December 2024” unter CC BY 4.0. Bearbeitet von dekoder-Redaktion im Hinblick auf wissenschaftliche Publikationen, insbesondere: Högselius, Per: Red Gas. Russia and the Origins of European Energy Dependence, Basingstoke, 2013

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Russische Erdgaspreise: Belarus-Analysen Nr. 49, Ukraine-Analysen Nr. 144

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Anteil russischer Erdgaslieferungen: eigene Berechnungen nach Anteil an Erdgasimporten: Statista, am Erdgasverbrauch: Bruegel, am Energiemix: Eurostat sowie zusätzliche Quellen für dort nicht erfasste Länder.

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Weiterführende Literatur \n

Bader-Gassner, Miriam A. (2014): Pipelineboom. Internationale Ölkonzerne im westdeutschen Wirtschaftswunder, (Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte des modernen Europa. Economic and Social History of Modern Europe), Baden-Baden

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Balmaceda, Margarita (2004): Der Weg in die Abhängigkeit. Ostmitteleuropa am Energietropf der UdSSR, in: Osteuropa, 9-10/2004, S. 162–179

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Balmaceda, Margarita M. (Hrsg. 2004): Europa unter Spannung. Energiepolitik zwischen Ost und West, (Osteuropa Bd. 54.2004, Heft 9/10), Berlin

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Bleidick, Dietmar: Die Ruhrgas 1926 bis 2013. Aufstieg und Ende eines Marktführers, (Schriftenreihe zur Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte. Bd. 30), Berlin–Boston 2018.Bösch, Frank: Energy Diplomacy. West-Germany, the Soviet Union and the Oil Crisis of the 1970ies, in: Historical Social Research / Historische Sozialforschung 4/2014, S. 165–185.

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Der Zerfallsprozess der Sowjetunion begann Mitte der 1980er Jahre und dauerte mehrere Jahre an. Die Ursachen sind umstritten. Während einige hauptsächlich Gorbatschows Reformen für den Zerfall verantwortlich machen, sehen andere die Gründe vor allem in globalen Dynamiken. Eine zentrale Rolle spielte in jedem Fall die Politik der russischen Teilrepublik.

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Nord Stream 2 (NS2) war ein Pipeline-Projekt des gleichnamigen Konsortiums aus dem Mehrheitseigner Gazprom und fünf europäischen Partnern. Die Ostseepipeline sollte 55 Milliarden Kubikmeter Erdgas pro Jahr von Russland nach Deutschland transportieren. Wegen des russischen Überfalls auf die Ukraine stoppte die Bundesregierung im Februar 2022 die Inbetriebnahme. Ende September 2022 schlugen die Nord Stream-Stränge Leck – die EU geht von Sabotage aus.

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Sila Sibiri (dt. Kraft Sibiriens) ist eine Pipeline, die seit Dezember 2019 russisches Erdgas nach China transportiert. Der milliardenschwere Vertrag mit dem chinesischen Staatskonzern CNPC soll laut staatsnahen Medien Russlands Abhängigkeit von Exporten in die EU verringern. Doch fallende Energiepreise und westliche Sanktionen bedrohen die Rentabilität des Projekts.

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