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Ende 2021 veröffentlichte Moskau seinen Entwurf für einen Vertrag über sogenannte „Sicherheitsgarantien“. Er gilt bis heute als „Maximal-Programm“ der russischen Außenpolitik gegenüber NATO und Westen. Dekoder-Redakteur Dmitry Kartsev entschlüsselt, welche Geschichtserzählung dahinterstecken.

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How did Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea unfold? On 27 February 2014, Russian special forces, who were armed and wore no identifying insignia, occupied the parliamentary building in the capital city of Simferopol. The legitimate prime minister of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Anatolii Mohyliov, was removed from office and replaced by Sergey Aksyonov a […]

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Where is the basis for relations between Russia and NATO defined?  “Mutual relations, cooperation and security between NATO and the Russian Federation” are the subject-matter of the NATO–Russia Founding Act, which was signed in Paris on 27 May 1997 by the heads of states and governments of the NATO member countries, NATO Secretary General Javier Solana and Russian President Boris Yeltsin. It […]

\n","date":"2026-02-05T09:08:14","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":101331}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Ignaz Lozo"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Ignaz Lozo","authorDescription":"Dr. Ignaz Lozo is an expert on East Europe (his doctorate is in East European history) and a former television news correspondent in Moscow. He is the author of the highly acclaimed biography of Mikhail Gorbachev, “Gorbatschow – Der Weltveränderer” (updated and expanded, 2nd edition, 2024), which also examines NATO enlargement and the war in Ukraine. Johannes Gutenberg University honoured him as an alumnus who has done outstanding work. ","authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"title-centered","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"en/russias-history-myths-unmasked/nato-a-us-tool","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":null,"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-300x300.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-768x768.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe-900x900.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2025/12/Gemini_Generated_Image_uzwe96uzwe96uzwe.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"en"},"translations":[{"databaseId":194157}]},{"title":"“Russia is the centre of the ‘Russian World’ and has a right to its ‘historical lands’”","databaseId":196909,"excerpt":"

How do Putin & Co. use the terms “Russian World” and “historical Russia”?  The term Russkiy mir (Eng. Russian World) first began to crop up in the speeches of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev in the first decade of the 21st century. The concept had been developed earlier, although the Kremlin leaders first used it […]

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Mit dem Mythos, die Krym sei schon immer russisch gewesen, will Putins Russland seine Annexion der ukrainischen Halbinsel 2014 rechtfertigen. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo umreißt die historischen Entwicklungen, die Russlands Krym-Erzählung verschweigt.

\n","date":"2026-01-09T10:17:04","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":97629}]},"tags":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":101579},{"databaseId":98331},{"databaseId":98291},{"databaseId":101563},{"databaseId":101571},{"databaseId":98299},{"databaseId":98307},{"databaseId":98315}]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Ignaz Lozo"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Ignaz Lozo","authorDescription":"Dr. Ignaz Lozo, promovierter Osteuropahistoriker, war TV-Korrespondent in Moskau. 2024 erschien sein hochgelobtes Buch Gorbatschow – Der Weltveränderer, in welchem er auch die NATO-Osterweiterung und den Ukraine-Krieg beleuchtet. Von der Universität Mainz wurde er ausgezeichnet als Absolvent, der Herausragendes geleistet hat.","authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"title-centered","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"de/russland-propaganda-geschichte-narrative-dekodiert/krym","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-300x164.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-768x419.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-900x491.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-300x164.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-768x419.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-900x491.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":204603}]},{"title":"„Russland ist Zentrum der ‚russischen Welt‘ und hat ein Recht auf ‚historische Länder‘“","databaseId":194829,"excerpt":"

Das Konzept istoritscheskaja Rossija (dt: historisches Russland) ist im Westen wenig bekannt, gleichwohl hat es eine lange Begriffsgeschichte und wird von Putin und der Kremlpropaganda seit Jahren immer häufiger benutzt.

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Moscow describes “Ancient Rus” as the cradle of the “Russian people”, the origin of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation of the present day. In doing so, it is using well over a millennium’s worth of history to construct a narrative aimed at justifying the use of hybrid measures to influence other states and even a destructive war against neighbouring states. Historian Andrey Doronin takes a deep dive into the historical underpinnings of this Russian myth and explains how the understandings of the non-Russian Rus differ from the myth that Moscow tells.

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Russlands Mythos von der bedrohlichen NATO verschweigt, dass der Kreml selbst über Jahrzehnte an einer Annäherung zur NATO gearbeitet hat, zeitweise gar Mitglied werden wollte. So entstand 1997 die NATO-Russland-Grundakte, die offiziell bis heute gilt. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo skizziert ihre Entstehung und Bedeutung.

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Andrei Arkhangelsky:  I thought we could start with personal thought patterns, the kind we are not even aware of or only become aware of as we grow older. The ones that demand that we do some hard work on ourselves.   We were both born in what was still the Soviet era – in its complacent years under Brezhnev (also known as the era of stagnation). This was in the late 1960s, early 1970s. What were those first ideas I had about my country and the […]

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Moskau beschreibt die Alte Rus als Wiege eines „russischen Volkes“, zu dem angeblich Russen, Belarussen und Ukrainer gehören. Damit nutzt es die jahrtausendealte Geschichte, die sich geografisch deutlich weiter westlich abspielte, und konstruiert ein Narrativ, das hybride Einflussnahme und sogar einen zerstörerischen Krieg gegen Nachbarstaaten rechtfertigen soll. Der Historiker Andrej Doronin geht dem russischen Mythos vom „einigen Volk“ auf den tiefen geschichtlichen Grund und erläutert, wie sich die Verständnisse der nicht-russländischen rus vom Moskauer Mythos unterscheiden.

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Вплоть до полномасштабной войны в Украине растущую зависимость от российского газа в Германии часто оправдывали тем, что Москва всегда была надежным поставщиком топлива по низким ценам. Игнорируя то, что подоплека действий Кремля из экономической давно стала политической. Когда это произошло и к каким привело последствиям?

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Dieser Beitrag ist ein Teil unseres Projekts „Russlands Geschichtsmythen entlarvt“. Mehr Narrative dekodieren Andrej Archangelski: Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen.  Wir sind beide noch in der Sowjetzeit geboren – […]

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Глава 1. Красный газ У каждой истории есть отправной пункт. У нашей он расположен там, где, кажется, ничего не напоминает о газе или международной торговле энергоносителями — в Лайцхалле. Это главный концертный зал Гамбурга — «вольного и ганзейского города», как он именуется официально. 6 июня 1967 года туда стекаются сотни людей. Парковка перед зданием — […]

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Bis zum Beginn des vollumfänglichen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, wurde die wachsende Abhängigkeit von russischem Gas in Deutschland häufig damit gerechtfertigt, Moskau habe doch stets zuverlässig geliefert. Ein Blick auf die Details zeigt ein anderes Bild.

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Eine Reise in die Zeit, als mehrere tausend Kilometer lange Pipelines gebaut wurden – und man noch glaubte, mit Gashandel Völker verbinden und diplomatische Spannungen überbrücken zu können.

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hallo ABC

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Konzept, Design und Umsetzung: Alexandra HeidsiekRedaktion: Anton Himmelspach

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Большинство расхожих объяснений происхождения словосочетания «Белая Русь» не имеет под собой научной основы. Откуда оно взялось на самом деле и как стало именем государства, рассказывает беларуский историк Виктор Шадурский.

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Geboren in Charkiw, aufgewachsen in Horliwka im Donbas. Als Kind schrieb Julja Danylowa Artikel für die Kinderzeitung Skrepka (dt. Büroklammer). 2014 musste sie mit 18 Jahren vor der russischen Invasion ihre Heimatregion verlassen. Sie zog nach Charkiw und machte dort 2018 ihren Abschluss an der Kulturakademie Charkiw.  Seitdem arbeitet sie hauptsächlich mit Drucken, Comics und […]

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Geboren 1975 im Ural, lebt seit 2010 in Charkiw (Ukraine).   Oleg Michajlow ist Autor und Dramaturg – ausgebildeter Schauspieler, arbeitete als Radiomoderator, schreibt seit 2005 Theaterstücke und ist bei Theaterfestivals in Kyjiw, Charkiw und Kramatorsk vertreten.  Seine Stücke werden in der Ukraine beispielsweise am Kyjiwer Akademischen Theater Soloti Worota (dt. Goldenes Tor), dem Charkiwer Staatlichen […]

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I Der Riese kam immer nachts. Wenn die Wintersonne unwillig aus dem kühlen Meer kroch und die Stadt erhellte, mussten ihre Einwohner feststellen, dass der Riese auch in dieser Nacht mehrere Häuser zerstört hatte. Die Einwohner liebten ihre Stadt sehr, darum war es kein Wunder, dass sie bitterlich weinten, wenn sie jeden Morgen wieder neue […]

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„Ein neues Märchen. Ich schreibe immer düsterer, also … ein Märchen über die Angst.“   Mit diesen Worten veröffentlichte der Charkiwer Dramaturg und Kinderbuchautor Oleg Michajlow im Dezember 2023 die Geschichte von dem Jungen Petja, der sich mit einem Plüsch-Hahn, einer Rennmaus und einem Hauskater anschickt, den bösen Riesen zu erlegen, der seine Familie und sein […]

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Ein Kapitel des deutschen Vernichtungsfeldzugs gegen die Sowjetunion, das oft übersehen wird, ist die Politik der „verbrannten Dörfer“ in Belarus. Die NS-Besatzer zerstörten im ganzen Land über 9.000 Dörfer – viele davon wurden für immer ausgelöscht.

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Die Slawistin Nina Weller über die Entstehung und Rezeption des Buches Feuerdörfer, das Literatur und Erinnerungskultur gleichermaßen veränderte.

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Das Buch Feuerdörfer von Ales Adamowitsch, Janka Bryl und Uladsimir Kalesnik ist über Generationen hinweg zu einem der prägendsten Werke der belarussischen Literatur geworden. Wir haben zeitgenössische Autorinnen, Schriftsteller und Lyrikerinnen aus Belarus gefragt, welche Bedeutung das Buch für sie hat.  

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Der Übersetzer Thomas Weiler hat das Buch Feuerdörfer, 50 Jahre nach der Erstveröffentlichung, erstmals aus dem Belarussischen ins Deutsche übertragen. Wir präsentieren einen Auszug aus seiner Übersetzung.

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Nach 50 Jahren erscheint Feuerdörfer erstmals auf Deutsch. Das Buch über die Wehrmachtsverbrechen in Belarus erschütterte die sowjetische Gesellschaft – ein Special, unter anderem mit der Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexijewitsch.

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Ein dekoder-Gesopräch mit der belarussischen Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexjiewitsch über das Buch Feuerdörfer, ihren Mentor Ales Adamowitsch und über das menschliche Leiden in der Literatur.

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Имя Кастуся Калиновского носит беларуский добровольческий полк, который сейчас воюет с российскими оккупантами в Украине. Им же была названа одна из советских партизанских бригад, сражавшихся против немецких захватчиков в годы Второй мировой войны. Кем был этот человек, ставший одним из главных героев беларуского исторического пантеона благодаря руководству восстанием 1863–1864 годов против Российской империи?

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Krieg gegen die Ukraine, Corona-Pandemie, internationaler Haftbefehl: Unsere Daten zeigen, wie sich die Auslandsreisen des russischen Präsidenten zwischen 2000 und 2024 verändert haben.

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Kastus Kalinouski war Anführer des Januaraufstands gegen das Zarenreich. Deswegen wird er als Kämpfer für die belarussische Unabhängigkeit verehrt, die Machthaber um Lukaschenko wollen ihn dagegen aus der Geschichte streichen. Viktor Schadurski über eine komplexe Figur im Zerrbild von Ideologie und Propaganda.

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Рассказываем, что обсуждали немецкие журналисты и эксперты перед началом чемпионата Европы по футболу — и к каким выводам пришли по его итогам.

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Seit zwei Jahren reist der Fotograf Ludwig Nikulski immer wieder an die Grenzen der Ukraine. Mit seiner Kamera beobachtet er, wie der Krieg das Grenzland verändert, das diesen Krieg vom Rest Europas trennt.

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84 года назад завершилась советско-финляндская война. Поначалу полномасштабную агрессию России против Украины часто сравнивали именно с ней. Но эта война закончилась всего за три с лишним месяца.

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Почему протесты редко заканчиваются свержением авторитарного режима

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История украденной революции в Казахстане

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In Europa verkannt, in Belarus teilweise verboten: In unserem Special könnt ihr Kurzprosa und Geschichten von Autoren und Schriftstellerinnen klassischer und zeitgenössischer belarussischer Literatur entdecken – mit Illustrationen von Katsiaryna Dubovik.

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Mit der Kurzgeschichte Zuhause debütierte Michas Stralzou im Jahr 1957. In dieser setzt sich der belarussisch-sowjetische Schriftsteller mit den Auswirkungen der Landflucht auseinander, die nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in der Belarussischen Sowjetrepublik einsetzte.

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Ein Auszug aus dem autobiografischen Roman Auf die schneebedeckte Insel von Anka Upala, in dem die Schriftstellerin von ihrem Aufenthalt in einer schwedischen Kleinstadt erzählt, wo sich das Leben sich in vielem von ihrem in Belarus unterscheidet.

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Die Erzählung Die Feldlerche von Zjotka stammt aus dem Jahr 1914. Sie ist von der Idee geprägt, dass man sie an einem kalten Winterabend mit der ganzen Familie lesen kann, und dabei nicht nur Belarus, sondern auch Natur und Dorfleben besser kennenlernt.

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Krieg, Repressionen, Flucht und Exil: Rückblick auf ein düsteres Jahr 2023 in Bildern und Texten aus Russland, Belarus und der Ukraine

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1. The illusion of truth In the early hours of 24 February 2022, Russian troops began a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, crossing the border and then heading at speed in the direction of Kyiv and Kharkiv, through Donbas and southern Ukraine towards Crimea, all the while launching missile strikes at targets across the country. News […]

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Viele Russinnen und Russen unterstützen den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Propaganda spielt dabei eine Schlüsselrolle. Wir haben mehr als drei Millionen Artikel der wichtigsten propagandistischen Nachrichtenagentur Russlands analysiert und daraus die Muster herausgelesen, nach denen Propaganda funktioniert.

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Как пропаганда заставила миллионы россиян поверить в то, что война — самый верный путь к миру. Дата-исследование «Новой газеты Европа» и декодера.

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В сети пропаганды В 1999 году BBC выпустила на восьми тогда еще VHS-кассетах проект на русском языке о том, как делать телевидение. В последней части Владимир Познер разговаривает с известными в то время тележурналистами о профессиональной этике – что нужно, а что нельзя рассказывать людям? Можно ли с благими намерениями скрывать значимую информацию? Обязательно ли […]

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Что россияне думаю о войне против Украины? Многое говорит о том, что россияне в большинстве своем не хотели этой войны. Тем не менее, опросы и социологические эксперименты показывают, что после начала вторжения как минимум половина населения поддерживает как Путина, так и действия российской армии. По опросам Левады-Центра начиная с февраля 2022 – от 68 до […]

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Wie funktioniert russische Propaganda? Welche Narrative werden verbreitet? Und wie schafft man damit hohe Zustimmungswerte für Putin und den Krieg gegen die Ukraine? Ergebnisse einer Daten-Recherche von dekoder, Novaya Gazeta Europe und Süddeutscher Zeitung.

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У сваім эсэ беларускі пісьменнік Адам Свіргул тлумачыць, наколькі адкрыцці Курапатаў сфармавалі яго пакаленне і чаму ён лічыць памяць аб злачынствах сталінскага тэрору ключом да будучыні Беларусі.

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In seinem Essay erzählt der belarussische Autor Adam Swirgul, wie sehr die Entdeckungen von Kurapaty seine Generation prägten und warum er das Gedenken an die dortigen Verbrechen des Stalinschen Terrors für einen Schlüssel zur Zukunft von Belarus hält.

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Was wissen wir zu den Verbrechen, die in Kurapaty begangen wurden, und was nicht? Der Historiker Igor Kusnetzow über den schwierigen Weg der historischen Wahrheitsfindung zu einem der zentralen Orte des Stalinschen Terrors in Belarus.

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Dieser Artikel zu den Massengräbern in Kurapaty aus dem Jahr 1988 veränderte die belarussische Geschichte und Gesellschaft. Wir bringen den Artikel in einer vollständigen Neuübersetzung von Tina Wünschmann aus dem Belarussischen.

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Kurapaty ist ein Wendepunkt in der jüngeren belarussischen Geschichte. Als die Entdeckung von Massengräbern am nordwestlichen Rand der belarussischen Hauptstadt Minsk im Jahr 1988 bekannt wurde, ging ein Aufschrei durch die Gesellschaft. Wie konnte es passieren, dass Zehntausende Belarussen unter Stalin ermordet wurden? Warum wurde so lange über das Thema geschwiegen?

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Kapitel 1. Das rote Gas Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat. Duis aute irure dolor in reprehenderit in voluptate velit esse cillum dolore eu fugiat […]

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Was muss passieren, damit Russland nicht noch einmal die Chance auf eine demokratische Entwicklung verspielt? Aus dem Gefängnis heraus hat Alexej Nawalny eine Debatte darüber angestoßen, welche Lehren aus den Fehlern der 1990er Jahre gezogen werden müssen. dekoder stellt die interessantesten Beiträge vor.

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Das totalitäre Erbe kann nur überwunden werden, wenn die Schuldigen benannt und zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden, schreibt Wladimir Kara-Mursa.

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Alexej Nawalny warnt davor, noch einmal demokratische Prinzipien zugunsten pragmatischer Lösungen aufzugeben.

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Es ist zu leicht, alle Schuld auf Putin und seine Beamten abzuwälzen: Auch die russische Gesellschaft muss sich unbequeme Fragen stellen, meint Maxim Trudoljubow auf Meduza.

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О проекте «Мы хотим быть свободными людьми», — под этим лозунгом 17 июня 1953 года больше миллиона жителей ГДР вышло на улицы в первом из серии выступлений против коммунистической диктатуры в Восточной Европе. Потребовалось больше трех десятилетий, чтобы после кровавого подавления восстания немцы и вместе с ними все восточные европейцы добились свободы. С этого момента […]

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Как Майдан подготовил украинское общество к борьбе против российской агрессии

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Ад пачатку агрэсіўнай фазы вайны Расіі ва Украіне, у якой Беларусь адыгрывае сваю катастрафічную ролю, пісьменьнік і паэт Альгерд Бахарэвіч апынуўся ва ўладзе балючага ўнутранага канфлікту.

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Sie gilt als eine der meistgelesenen Online-Ressourcen in Russland: die Nachrichtenagentur RIA Nowosti. Wir haben mehr als drei Millionen ihrer Artikel analysiert. Worüber das Medium in den vergangenen 21 Jahren wie oft berichtet, zeigt unser Tool.

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Wie die Protestgeschichte der Ukraine zum Widerstand gegen den russischen Angriffskrieg beiträgt

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Mit dem Ende der Diktaturen in Osteuropa glaubten viele, das demokratische Zeitalter breche an. Die Autokratien wurden jedoch zahlreicher und repressiver, heute kämpfen Millionen für ihre Freiheit. Manche gewinnen, die anderen scheitern. Können Freiheitsbewegungen voneinander lernen?

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Als Belarus mit dem Ende der Sowjetunion im Jahr 1991 die Unabhängigkeit erlangte, forcierte sich auch die Suche nach einer nationalen Identität und einer eigenen Geschichtsschreibung. Abseits sowjetischer Narrative und Doktrine. In dieser Zeit des Aufbruchs wurde das Großfürstentum Litauen sozusagen einer der Dreh- und Angelpunkte dieser Suche. In seinem Beitrag beschreibt der belarussische Philosoph Ihar Babkou die Rolle des Großfürstentums für die damaligen Hoffnungen und Sehnsüchte der Belarussen.

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Die Schlacht bei Orscha im Jahr 1514 ist eines der bedeutenden Ereignisse für das Großfürstentum Litauen. Ein Ereignis, das bis heute Fragen aufwirft und auch prägend für die nationale Identität der Belarussen ist. Hienadź Sahanovič, als Historiker einer der Experten für diese kriegerische Auseinandersetzung, erklärt die Hintergründe der Schlacht, ihre politischen Folgen und ihre Bedeutung für die Gegenwart.

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Polen und Belarus teilen eine über Jahrhunderte verbundene Geschichte. Vor allem durch die gemeinsame Zugehörigkeit zum Großfürstentum Litauen und zur polnisch-litauischen Adelsrepublik. Es ist eine Geschichte, die nicht immer unproblematisch war und sich seit 1991 mitunter auf die Beziehungen zwischen beiden Ländern auswirkt. Diese beleuchtet der polnische Politologe Kamil Kłysiński in seinem Beitrag.

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Die Litauer waren eine der ersten Nationen, die sich mit den belarussischen Protesten im Jahr 2020 solidarisierten. Als tausende Belarussen im Zuge der Repressionen aus ihrem Land flüchten mussten, nahm Litauen diese Flüchtlinge aus dem Nachbarland bereitwillig auf. Die gemeinsame Geschichte, die das baltische Land mit Belarus teilt, geht vor allem auf die Zeit des Großfürstentums zurück. Der Historiker und Politologe Andrzej Pukszto erörtert in seinem Beitrag die Herausforderungen dieser Vergangenheit für die litauisch-belarussischen Beziehungen.

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Ruthenisch? Schon mal gehört? Nein? Kein Problem. Michael Moser, Sprachwissenschaftler an der Universität Wien, erklärt die Ursprünge und Mysterien einer Sprache, die als Kanzleisprache des Großfürstentum Litauens zu Ruhm gelangte und die nicht selten zu einer Art „Alt-Belarusisch” vereinfacht wird.

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Das Großfürstentum Litauen war einer der größten Staaten der Erde. Er erstreckte sich von der Ostsee bis zum Schwarzen Meer. Die multikulturelle und in vielfacher Hinsicht grenzüberwindende Faszination dieses Herrschaftsgebietes hat auch die polnische Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Olga Tokarczuk zu ihrem opus magnum „Die Jakobsbücher“ inspiriert. 

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Как церковь, пострадавшая от советского авторитаризма, стала провозвестницей российского

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Как гуманитарные науки помогли путинской пропаганде

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Кто стоял у истоков российского антиамериканизма

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Почему чекисты пережили демократизацию без особых для себя потерь

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Что помешало России стать настоящей федерацией — и к чему это привело

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Как в девяностые сложились все условия для авторитарного поворота

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О проекте 24 февраля 2022 года для многих стало днем, когда «история вернулась»: решения политиков и военных вновь определяют судьбы стран и народов на десятилетия вперед, а сама путинская агрессия против Украины служит страшным напоминанием о завоевательных войнах XIX и XX веков. «Конец истории» был провозглашен американским философом Фрэнсисом Фукуямой в начале 1990-х, когда он […]

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Wie eine Kirche, die unter dem sowjetischen Autoritarismus gelitten hatte, zum Vorboten der russischen Autokratie wurde

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Warum niemand Erbe des „wilden Jahrzehnts“ sein will

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Wie die „Amerikanisierung Russlands“ in Antiamerikanismus umschlug

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Wie Russland in den 1990er Jahren Grundlagen für die autoritäre Wende schuf

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Warum der Föderalismus zum unvollendeten Projekt wurde und Sollbruchstellen in Putins Machtvertikale systemisch sind

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Wie die Tschekisten die Demokratisierung überstanden

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Die russische Aggression gegen die Ukraine ist auch eine Folge der autoritären Wende Russlands unter Putin. Wie hat er aber seine sogenannte Machtvertikale überhaupt aufbauen können? War es wirklich ein Bruch mit den 1990er Jahren, die heute vielerorts als eine „Zeit der Freiheit“ gelten? dekoder hat sechs Wissenschaftler gebeten, Essays über dieses Jahrzehnt zu verfassen: über das „Ende der Geschichte“, und deren Anfang.

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Seit gut einem Jahr führt Russland Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Das bedeutet auch den (zum Teil unwiederbringlichen) Verlust kultureller Güter. Museen wurden in Mitleidenschaft gezogen, Bibliotheken zerstört, ukrainische Kunstschätze geraubt und nach Russland gebracht. Warum auch Kulturgüter zu den Zielen der russischen Angriffe gehören und wie schwer die Schäden wiegen, das beleuchtet das aktuelle FAQ #10.

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Das ultimative Belarus-Quiz: Seit 2020 entschlüsselt dekoder auch Belarus. Es wird Zeit, Dein erworbenes Wissen zu testen.

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„Es ist alles nicht so eindeutig“ – das ist eine der häufigsten Phrasen in Russland, wenn es um den russischen Angriffskrieg in der Ukraine geht. Vier Wissenschaftlerinnen beschreiben Propaganda-Narrative und die Manipulation von Fakten in russischen Medien und erklären, warum dem so viele Glauben schenken.

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Es sollte eine rasche Militäroperation werden. Daraus wurde jedoch ein großflächiger, verlustreicher Abnutzungskrieg: Historiker Michael Jonas über den finnisch-sowjetischen Winterkrieg 1939/40.

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Die Kriegsfront hat sich auch in die Welt der Zeichen und Symbole verlagert – in Russland wie in der Ukraine. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger stellen Symbole, Zeichen und Begriffe der ukrainischen Subversion und Gegenwehr vor.

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Рут Альтенхофер изучает собственные переводы интервью для dekoder, обнажая свои приемы и цели: «Создать у читателей и читательниц dekoder, даже не понимающих по-русски, ощущение, что они присутствуют при разговоре»

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Что такое перевод журналистики? Где им занимаются? В большинстве СМИ переводят лишь изредка, отдельные материалы — а для dekoder это несущая идея, его насущный хлеб. И как же это устроено в реальности? И что об этом думают переводчики и переводчицы, редакторки и редакторы?

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Политкорректность не стала нормой в русском языке. Что же делать, если при переводе текста приходится об этом задумываться? Сделать вид, что проблемы нет? И тем самым, в сущности, отказать в переводе автору или его героям? Нет, это не выход, говорит Мария Райер, которая выступает за прозрачность и право голоса для всех.

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Какие сложности мы преодолеваем, переводя журналистские тексты? Какие из них связаны с конкретным текстом, а какие встречаются постоянно, меняя только образ/текст/текстуру? Хенриетте Рейснер предложила несколько тезисов, которые мы обсудили в нашей мастерской Neustart.

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Как задумывался этот спецпроект и что за ним стоит.

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между культурой, политикой и эстетикой

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Александра Берлина о звездочках, фигах в кармане и других формах протеста, а также о сложном вопросе: как переводить антивоенную символику?

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На что способны эссе? Как они устроены? На что нужно обращать внимание, чтобы они не проигрывали в переводе? Анья Шлоссбергер-Оберхаммер о переводе журналисткого жанра, столько важного для неспокойных времен именно тем, что он никого не пытается переубедить.

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Журналистские тексты меняются со временем и в зависимости от того, где, как и в каком контексте они публикуются. Репортажи «Новой газеты» здесь не исключение. Как эти изменения проявляются в переводе? Ирина Бондас отправляется в путешествие между текстами, временами и языками.

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How the special took shape and what lies behind it

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What does journalistic translation involve and where does it happen? Whereas most media outlets only occasionally have a piece translated, translation is fundamental to the entire concept of dekoder. How does something like that work? And what does it mean for translators and editors?

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The Russian language is not, in the narrower meaning of the term, politically correct. What does a translator do when faced with such aspects in a text? Pretend they aren’t there? And perhaps, by doing so, do an injustice to the authors and protagonists? That is certainly not the answer, says Maria Rajer, who calls for transparency and self-empowerment in translation work.

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What can essays do? How do they do it? And what has to be kept in mind when they are being translated to ensure that they will still be able to do it in the other language? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer on the translation of a journalistic form whose importance in times of turmoil lies in the fact that it does not seek to convince its readers of something.

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Ruth Altenhofer observed herself translating interviews for dekoder in order to figure out just what it is she is doing when she translates. And she concluded: “I make sure that dekoder readers who cannot understand Russian feel like they are sitting right there at the table during the conversation.” Here, she tells us how.

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The close-reading of a translation is not often done with journalistic translations. Together with her students, Anna Shibarova did just that – and her metatext opens up new layers of a text and its translation.

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It is thanks to translators that there are texts in languages and cultures that they did not originate in. So it is annoying when people behave as though translators don’t exist, as sometimes happens. But where can and should translators be visible? Larissa Schippel addresses the question from a translation theory perspective.

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If a translator looks over his own shoulder as he translates, what does he see? What does he ask himself? And with whom does he argue? Hartmut Schröder adopted a venerable cultural technique while working on a translation: journal-keeping. And then he let us have it.

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A cat meme goes viral on the Russian-language Internet. On Facebook, university lecturer Irina Znamenskaya asked – how can the language-based joke be translated? Sasha Kharitonski responded in a post which Zachary King translated into English. Alexandra Berlina’s addendum seeks to answer the question: What are memes, actually?

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Journalistic texts change over time and with the setting, manner and context in which they appear. Novaya Gazeta’s reportage is an example. How is this manifest during translation? Irina Bondas sets out on a path through texts, times and languages.

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What challenges do we encounter when translating journalistic texts – which of these are text-specific, and which crop up repeatedly, just in different garb. Henriette Reisner on topics discussed in our Neustart workshop.

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Alexandra Berlina on asterisks, figs in the pocket and other forms of protest, as well as the difficult question of how to translate signals and anti-war symbolism.

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Die 1990er Jahre waren revolutionär für die belarussische Musik: Eine Zeit der mutigen Experimente und die Geburtsstunde eines echten, gesunden belarussischen Showbusiness. Eine Hommage von Nasha Niva.

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Rebellion durch Sprache: In der Kultur der Rock- und Alternativmusik nimmt das Belarussische seit den 1980er Jahren eine bedeutende Stellung ein. Wir haben einige belarussische Kulturpersönlichkeiten befragt, wie sie zum Belarussischen gekommen sind und warum sie die Sprache für ihre Musik oder ihre Arbeit zu verwenden begannen.

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Aus dem digitalen Fotoarchiv der Musik-Zeitung, das mit dem Aufkommen erschwinglicher Digitalkameras um das Jahr 2000 seinen Anfang nahm, zeigen wir eine Auswahl an Fotos aus jener Zeit, in der die belarussische Rockmusik tonangebend und stilprägend war.

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Zs und Vs auf Autos, Panzern und öffentlichen Plätzen – der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine wird auch auf Ebene der Codes, Symbole und Zeichen geführt. Doch derer bedient sich nicht nur die russische Propaganda, sondern auch die Protestbewegung in Russland. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger mit einer Momentaufnahme dieser coded language und ausgewählten Beispielen – in Wort und Bild.

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Der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine ist auch ein Krieg der Symbole. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger zeigen ausgewählte Beispiele – in Wort und Bild.

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Journalistische Texte verändern sich über die Zeit und in Abhängigkeit davon, wo und wie und in welchem Kontext sie erscheinen. Die Reportagen der Novaya Gazeta sind ein Beispiel dafür Wie macht sich das beim Übersetzen bemerkbar? Irina Bondas begibt sich auf den Weg zwischen Texte, Zeiten und Sprachen.

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Was heißt journalistisches Übersetzen und wo findet es statt? Während in den meisten Medien oft nur einzelne Beiträge übersetzt werden, ist das Übersetzen bei dekoder ein tragender Teil des Konzepts. Wie funktioniert so etwas? Und was bedeutet das für Übersetzer:innen und Redakteur:innen?

\n","date":"2022-09-28T10:34:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":34619}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Anselm Bühling"},{"name":"Olga Radetzkaja"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":"Anselm Bühling hat Slawistik und Philosophie an der Freien Universität Berlin studiert und übersetzt seit 1996 aus dem Englischen und Russischen – unter anderem Michail Chodorkowski, Masha Gessen und Joshua Yaffa. Seit 2016 ist er beim Online-Literaturmagazin tell aktiv.\r\n\r\nOlga Radetzkaja hat Slawistik und Komparatistik studiert. Sie übersetzt aus dem Russischen; zu ihren Autoren gehören unter anderem Lew Tolstoi, Julius Margolin, Jewgeni Wodolaskin und Olga Slawnikowa. Sie ist Co-Autorin des Dokumentarfilms Spurwechsel. Ein Film vom Übersetzen (2003) und arbeitet seit 2008 als Redakteurin bei der Zeitschrift OSTEUROPA.","authorImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/anselm_buehling.png"}},"bodyClass":"translate-journalism","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"journalismus-uebersetzen/arbeit-am-sinn","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":null,"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/tisch_Radedtzkaja2a_1200px.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":80755},{"databaseId":81379}]},{"title":"Journalismus übersetzen","databaseId":74081,"excerpt":"

zwischen Kultur, Politik und Ästhetik

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Dank Übersetzern gibt es Texte in jeweils anderen Sprachen und Kulturen. Da ist es ärgerlich, wenn manche so tun, als gäbe es sie nicht. An welchen Stellen also können und sollten die Übersetzer:innen sichtbar werden? Das beleuchtet Larisa Schippel aus übersetzungswissenschaftlicher Perspektive.

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Welchen Herausforderungen begegnen wir beim Übersetzen journalistischer Texte – was davon ist spezifisch und was begegnet uns immer wieder, nur in unterschiedlichen Kleidern/Texten/in unterschiedlicher Textur? Henriette Reisner mit Thesen, die wir im Neustart-Workshop diskutierten.

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Alexandra Berlina über Sternchen, Hosentaschenfeigen und andere Protestformen sowie die schwierige Frage: Wie übersetzt man Zeichen und Antikriegssymbolik?

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Ein Kätzchen-Meme geht viral im russischsprachigen Internet. Wie kann man den Sprachwitz übersetzen?, fragte die Dozentin Irina Snamenskaja auf Facebook. In einem Post hat sich Sascha Charitonski dazu Gedanken gemacht, Jennie Seitz hat ihn ins Deutsche übersetzt. Alexandra Berlina fragt im Nachtrag: Was sind eigentlich Memes?

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Ruth Altenhofer beobachtet ihre eigenen Interview-Übersetzungen für dekoder und kommt dabei ihrem Tun auf die Schliche: „Ich sorge dafür, dass dekoder-LeserInnen, die kein Russisch verstehen, das Gefühl haben, mit am Tisch zu sitzen.“ Hier beschreibt sie, wie sie das macht.

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Wenn ein Übersetzer sich selbst über die Schulter und auf die Finger schaut, was sieht er da? Welche Fragen stellt er sich? Und mit wem diskutiert er? Hartmut Schröder hat während einer Übersetzung zu einer alten Kulturtechnik gegriffen, nämlich Tagebuch geschrieben – und es uns überlassen.

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Close-Reading einer Übersetzung – das kommt im journalistischen Übersetzen nicht oft vor. Anna Shibarowa tat es und eröffnet durch ihren Metatext neue Schichten eines Textes und seiner Übersetzung.

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Was können Essays? Und wie machen sie das? Und was muss man beim Übersetzen beachten, damit sie es in der anderen Sprache auch noch tun? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer über das Übersetzen einer journalistischen Form, die in unruhigen Zeiten wichtig ist, weil sie nicht überzeugen will.

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Politisch korrekt im engeren Sinne ist die russische Sprache nicht. Was macht eine Übersetzerin, die mit solchen Aspekten im Text konfrontiert ist? So tun, als wäre nichts? Und damit Autoren und Protagonisten womöglich nicht gerecht werden? Das ist bestimmt keine Lösung, so Maria Rajer, die für Transparenz und Selbstermächtigung beim Übersetzen plädiert.

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Wie das Special entstanden ist und was dahinter steckt.

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Russlands Präsident Wladimir Putin eskaliert den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. In den russisch besetzten Teilen der Ukraine sind vermeintliche „Referenden“ über einen Beitritt zu Russland angekündigt. Warum das keine echten Referenden sind und inwiefern das Vorgehen Teil der russischen Kriegsführung ist – das erklären die Wissenschaftlerinnen Cindy Wittke und Gwendolyn Sasse.

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Das Kernkraftwerk Saporishshja – das leistungsstärkste AKW in Europa – liegt im Kriegsgebiet in der Ukraine. Es ist von der russischen Armee besetzt, so etwas hat es bisher nicht gegeben. Wie groß ist die Gefahr für einen Reaktorunfall? Kann es ein zweites Tschernobyl geben?

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Беларуская міфалогія

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беларуская мифология

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Seit dem 24. Februar 2022 führt Russland einen offenen Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine. Wie rechtfertigt Putin diesen Krieg? Wie leistet die Ukraine Widerstand? Und wo liegen die Chancen der Diplomatie? Dazu schreiben Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler in unserem FAQ

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«Украина переживет эту войну, как пережила Голодомор, массовые депортации крестьян и гонения на украинских диссидентов. Украина переживет и выстоит». Украинский писатель Андрей Курков рассказывает о Дне Независимости своей страны — ровно через полгода после начала полномасштабного вторжения России в Украину.

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Am 24. August feiert die Ukraine traditionell ihre Unabhängigkeit, auf die es Russland nicht erst mit dem vor sechs Monaten losgetretenen Angriffskrieg abgesehen hat. Was bedeutet der Krieg für das Unabhängigkeitsgefühl der Ukrainer? Und wie blicken die den Ukrainern verbundenen Belarussen auf den Feiertag? Darüber schreiben die beiden Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow und Alhierd Bacharevič.

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Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, bei dem auch Belarus eine unheilvolle Rolle spielt, sieht sich der Schriftsteller und Lyriker Alhierd Bacharevič einer schmerzhaften Zerrissenheit ausgeliefert.

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„Die Ukraine wird diesen Krieg überleben.” Davon ist der ukrainische Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow überzeugt. Seit Beginn der großen russischen Invasion vor einem halben Jahr beschäftigt er sich nicht mehr mit der Fiktion seiner Romane, sondern damit, der Welt die Geschichte und Kultur seines Landes näherzubringen.

\n","date":"2022-08-24T08:00:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":34337}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Andrej Kurkow","authorDescription":"Andrej Kurkow, geboren 1961 in St. Petersburg, lebt seit seiner Kindheit in Kiew und schreibt in russischer Sprache. Er studierte Fremdsprachen, war Zeitungsredakteur und während des Militärdienstes Gefängniswärter. Danach schrieb er zahlreiche Drehbücher. Seit seinem Roman Picknick auf dem Eis gilt er als einer der wichtigsten zeitgenössischen ukrainischen Autoren. Sein Werk, für das er zahlreich ausgezeichnet wurde, erscheint in 42 Sprachen. Kurkow war von Dezember 2018 bis Januar 2025 Präsident des PEN Ukraine.","authorImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/Kurkow_Andrej_700061194_beschnitten.jpg"}},"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":1,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"kurkow-feiertag-im-rauch-des-krieges","translator":"Ruth Altenhofer","pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/08/ukraine_independence_alina_smutko_03.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":"Unabhängigkeitsdenkmal „Fliegende Ukraine“ in Charkiw, März 2022, © Alina Smutko","beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":73207}]},{"title":"Быть другим – инакомыслие в СССР","databaseId":68773,"excerpt":"","date":"2022-07-06T14:21:37","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":295}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":250,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"https://dissident.dekoder.org/ru","translator":null,"pageType":["default"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-300x169.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-768x432.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050-900x506.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2021/12/brodsky_05_050.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":null,"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"ru"},"translations":[{"databaseId":49835}]},{"title":"FAQ #5: Welche Rolle spielt eigentlich Belarus im Ukraine-Krieg?","databaseId":69405,"excerpt":"

Im Krieg gegen die Ukraine steht der belarussische Machthaber Alexander Lukaschenko an der Seite des russischen Präsidenten Putin. Doch bislang sind keine seiner Truppen beteiligt. Warum hilft er Putin? Was hat er zu gewinnen, was zu verlieren? Und was bedeutet das für seinen eigenen Machterhalt?

\n","date":"2022-07-05T15:58:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":31753}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Siarhei Bohdan, Jan Matti Dollbaum, Aliaksandr Papko, Astrid Sahm","authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"faq-welche-rolle-spielt-eigentlich-belarus-im-ukraine-krieg","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-300x176.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-768x451.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-900x529.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-300x176.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-768x451.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3-900x529.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2022/09/dek3_3.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":"© AI für dekoder","beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[]},{"title":"FAQ #4: Kriegsverlauf in der Ukraine","databaseId":69389,"excerpt":"

Das war der Stand nach drei Monaten Krieg: Wie lief der Krieg bis dato ab? Wie leistet die ukrainische Armee Widerstand? Und wie groß ist die Gefahr einer atomaren Eskalation?

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Kurz nach dem Angriff auf die Hauptstadt Kiew bot der ukrainische Präsident Selensky eine Neutralität seines Landes an – allerdings geknüpft an Bedingungen.
\nWas kann eine neutrale Ukraine denn theoretisch überhaupt heißen? Und wäre das so eine einfache Lösung, wie es klingt?

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Die Hoffnung lag von Beginn an auf der Diplomatie. Doch wie sind die Chancen auf einen möglichen Waffenstillstand? Kann nicht doch die UNO helfen? Warum ist es so schwierig, mit Putin an den Verhandlungstisch zu gehen?

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Wie hat Wladimir Putin den Angriff auf Kiew und die großflächige Invasion am 24. Februar 2022 begonnen? Und mit welchen Propaganda-Formeln versucht er, ihn legitim erscheinen zu lassen?

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Vorgehen gegen „ausländische Agenten“ in Medien und Zivilgesellschaft, Memorial International aufgelöst, Alexej Nawalny im Straflager … 2021 – ein Jahr des Shifts in Russland.

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У Беларусі святкуюць каталіцкае і праваслаўнае Раство, знітаваны з савецкім мінулым Новы год і – Каляды. У гэтай кароткай гнозе мы тлумачым, што гэта за старажытная традыцыя і адкуль яна паходзіць.

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In Belarus wird das katholische und orthodoxe Weihnachten gefeiert, dazu das aus der Sowjetunion stammende Neujahr und: Kaljady. In dieser kurzen Gnose erklären wir, was es mit diesem archaischen Weihnachtsfest auf sich hat und woher es stammt.

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Жыла сабе адна краіна. Жыла як усе — то добра, то ня вельмі. Жыхары ейныя былі працавітыя ды руплівыя — сеялі, жалі, будавалі, пісалі кнігі, сьпявалі песьні, нараджалі дзяцей. Адно было ў гэтай краіне ня так, як ва ўсіх — ня мела яна караля. Ну, ня мела й ня мела. Зьбіралася двойчы на год рада […]

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Eine belarussische Weihnachtsgeschichte von Lavon Volski.

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Каляды па-беларуску

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Belarussische Mythologie

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Russia was using historical narratives to justify subjugation and aggression in its “near abroad” even before it annexed Crimea in 2014. History has also been conscripted as an aid-de-camp in Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine and confrontation with the West, with stories that keep finding audiences, both in- and outside of Russia, that are ready, even eager to believe.
\nIn the dekoder special Russia’s History Myths Unmasked, renowned authors decode these narratives of Russian (state) history with their intricate underpinnings, some extending back to the Middle Ages.

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The West as the enemy of Russia: where did this narrative originate? Hostility towards the West and towards Europe, in particular, has very deep roots in Russia, which reach back to the Middle Ages and are bound up with religious convictions. The origins of the debates shaping Russian public opinion more recently, though, lie in […]

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Почему миф об «одном народе и общей колыбели» так важен для путинского государства?  В модерной парадигме народы ведут отсчет своей истории не от истоков своей государственности, а от начал нации. Нация древнее своих институтов, они — производное по отношению к ней. Государство тоже возникает на более поздней стадии самоорганизации нации; нация первична. Институт нации потеснил в Новое […]

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Dieser Beitrag ist ein Teil unseres Projekts „Russlands Geschichtsmythen entlarvt“. Mehr Narrative dekodieren Andrej Archangelski: Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen.  Wir sind beide noch in der Sowjetzeit geboren – […]

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Bestimmen Geschichtsmythen die gesellschaftliche Selbstwahrnehmung oder ermöglichen bestimmte Denkmuster erst die Ausbreitung historischer Mythen? 

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Russland bringt spätestens seit der Annexion der Krym 2014 die Geschichte für seine propagandistischen Ziele in Stellung, missbraucht sie als Schützenhilfe im Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine und in der Konfrontation mit dem Westen. Doch Geschichtspropaganda könnte die russische Gesellschaft kaum so effektiv erreichen, wenn sie nicht auf zugrundeliegenden und seit langem entwickelten Denkmustern aufbauen würde. 

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Aus diesem Grund eröffnen wir unser neues Special, das dem Dekodieren der Geschichtsnarrative des Kremls gewidmet ist, mit diesem Briefwechsel, in dem der Publizist Andrej Archangelski und der Historiker Sergej Medwedew die toxischen und tödlichen Denkmuster ergründen, die hinter Russlands Geschichtsmythen stehen. 

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KI-Hinweis: Die Illustration hat dekoder mit Google Gemini erstellt.

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\nDieser Beitrag ist ein Teil unseres Projekts „Russlands Geschichtsmythen entlarvt“.

\nMehr Narrative dekodieren\n
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Andrej Archangelski: Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen. 

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Wir sind beide noch in der Sowjetzeit geboren – in ihren satten Jahren unter Breschnew (auch Ära der Stagnation genannt). Das war Ende der 1960er, Anfang der 1970er Jahre. Was waren meine ersten Vorstellungen, die ich als Kind von meinem Land und der Welt hatte? Im Zentrum stand als selbstverständliche Basis wohl das Gefühl, dass es ein Glück war, im besten Land der Welt geboren zu sein – in der UdSSR. Ich kann dieses Gefühl sogar auf einer Farbskala beschreiben: „Unser Land“ hat natürlich den Platz an der Sonne, im hellen Licht, ohne Risse und Lücken – und dieses Licht produziert das Land selbst (wie ein Perpetuum mobile).  

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Dann kamen die anderen sozialistischen Länder. Da musste es auch hell sein, aber mit ein paar Streifen wie auf ihren Fahnen – abwechselnd weiß und, sagen wir mal, grau. Und schließlich – im Spektrum von violett bis schwarz – die Länder des Kapitals und alle übrigen. Die Finsternis der USA erschien mir undurchdringlich.  

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Außerdem hatte ich noch das Gefühl, dass einem die Sowjetunion die ganze Welt ersetzen kann. Dass wir „die Anderen“ gar nicht brauchen, weil wir selbst eine „ganze Welt“ sind. Mit „unserer eigenen Geschichte“. 

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Die enorme Ausdehnung der Sowjetunion hat zu dieser Erzählung vom „Glück per Geburt“ beigetragen: „im größten Land, im unermesslichsten Land …“ – das hörten wir von klein auf.  

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Und um diese Denkmuster herum tanzten dann alle anderen. 

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Wie siehst du das?   

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Sergej Medwedew: Bei mir ist es ähnlich. Ich sehe mich noch als Dritt- oder Viertklässler, 1975/76, schon als Pionier: Ein Wintermorgen, stockfinster, im Haus gegenüber leuchten allmählich die Rechtecke der Fenster auf. Ich frühstücke in der Küche in meiner Schuluniform, das Halstuch ist gebügelt und sorgfältig gebunden. Neben mir, über die ganze Küchenwand – natürlich zu Bildungszwecken, aber auch um die abblätternde Wandfarbe zu kaschieren –, eine politische Weltkarte, das rechte obere Viertel ist stolz von einer romantisch-rosafarbenen Fläche mit den Buchstaben CCCP (dt. UdSSR) geschmückt.  

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Ich lese die Städtenamen von Kischinjow [heute Chișinău, Moldawien – dek.] bis Uelen [Autonomer Kreis der Tschuktschen, nahe dem Polarkreis im Nordosten], und ein Gefühl von Stolz erfüllt mich angesichts der Ausmaße, der stillen Größe dieses Teils der Erde. Und ich denke mit stockendem Atem: Was habe ich nur für ein Glück, ausgerechnet ich, ein kleiner Junge unter Milliarden Menschen auf der Welt, nicht nur in diesem Land, sondern auch noch in dessen Hauptstadt geboren zu sein!  

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Ich träumte damals sogar davon, dass dieser rosafarbene Fleck noch wachsen könnte, wenn Bruderländer wie die angrenzende Mongolei, Bulgarien, Rumänien usw. einsehen würden, dass es noch viel besser wäre, zu uns zu gehören – dann werden wir noch größer, noch wunderbarer.  

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Seither bin ich doch etwas älter geworden und habe meine Ansichten über jenen rosa Fleck auf der Weltkarte überdacht – doch scheint mir, dass viele unserer Landsleute in dieser kindlichen Begeisterung steckengeblieben sind und sich ernsthaft wundern, warum bloß all die benachbarten Länder nicht zu uns gehören wollen. 

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Dieser Mythos über die Größe des Imperiums ist einer der hartnäckigsten. Die Leute meinen stur, Russland sei irgendwie gesegnet: diese neun Zeitzonen, die sagenumwobene Transsib, die strategischen Tiefen, in denen sich schon Karl XII, Napoleon und Hitler verirrten.  

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Tatsächlich ist es umgekehrt: Das Riesenreich ist eine Bürde und Russlands Fluch (darüber schrieb übrigens schon Iwan Iljin, den Putin so verehrt).  

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Heute halte ich über diesen Fluch der Weite Vorlesungen an der Universität. Als ich selbst zum ersten Mal als Moskauer Student für ein Sommerpraktikum nach Tschukotka [Autonomer Kreis der Tschuktschen – dek.] flog, war ich schier erschlagen von dem ganzen Land dazwischen – aber ohne Stolz auf die Größe, sondern mit Befremden angesichts seiner Sinnlosigkeit. Über solche Weiten zu herrschen ist doch wie Millionen Quadratkilometer auf dem Mars zu besitzen: klingt romantisch, aber in Wahrheit reinste Ressourcenverschwendung beim Versuch die Flächen zu erschließen. Das ist Russland in 500 Jahren nicht gelungen. 

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Archangelski: Krieg und Sieg – das ist der grundlegende Mythos für meine Generation und einige Generationen davor und danach. In meiner Kindheit war alles durchdrungen vom Sieg. Der Große Vaterländische Krieg ließ (wiederum in mythologischer Darstellung) einige robuste Narrative entstehen: „Russland wird immer angegriffen, es verteidigt sich nur“, „Wir haben Kriege niemals begonnen, aber immer gesiegt“, „Wir sind die Tapfersten und zugleich die Friedliebendsten“.     

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Alle diese Narrative schienen sich in der Perestroika aufzulösen. In unserer Generation (geboren in den 1970er Jahren) erfolgte eine lawinenartige Entthronung: Gerade erst hatten wir mit all den „ewigen Themen“ Bekanntschaft gemacht – mit den Helden der Revolution, mit Panfilows 28 Helden, mit dem Enthusiasmus der Fünfjahrespläne – und schon zerbröselten sie unter dem Hagelschlag der neuen Tatsachen. Ich habe von klein auf Ogonjok gelesen (wer tat das nicht?) und da gab es ab 1985 Texte über die stalinistischen Repressionen, aber auch über die ersten Kriegsmonate und den „Preis des Sieges“. In der offiziellen Geschichtsschreibung war der Kriegsbeginn eine regelrechte Leerstelle, man musste sich die Informationen mühselig zusammenkratzen.    

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Die reale Geschichte widerlegte den Mythos, wir hätten vor dem Krieg keine militärische Stärke gehabt. Wir hatten genug: Dreitausend Panzer allein im Militärbezirk West; ein Riesenpotenzial – es haperte nur an der Fähigkeit sie zu nutzen. Diese Entdeckung schmälerte zwar nicht den Heroismus unserer Großelterngeneration, säte aber doch Zweifel an der Glaubwürdigkeit all dessen, was bisher mit so viel Pathos überliefert worden war. So entstand ein enormes Interesse an der Geschichte – man musste sie im Grunde neu erforschen.   

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Die meisten Russen ließen sich von diesen Fakten allerdings nicht beeindrucken, das sehen wir heute. Ich stehe da, ehrlich gesagt, wie vor einer Wand: Diese ganze Lawine an neuen Informationen während der Perestroika – die hätte doch wirklich bei jedem, auch beim überzeugtesten Revanchisten, Kommunisten etc., einen Schalter umlegen müssen? Ich glaube, dass sie sehr wohl einen Effekt hatte und dass alle alles kapiert haben. Doch dann hat bei der breiten Masse ein Abwehrmechanismus gegriffen: „Das kann doch nicht sein, dass alles Lüge war, dass das alles nicht stimmt?“  

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Ist dir schon mal aufgefallen, wie elegant die postsowjetische Gesellschaft seit den 1990er Jahren auf negative, unangenehme Informationen reagiert? Nicht mit wütendem Dementi, sondern mit Post-Ironie: „langweilig und lächerlich“. Als ich beim Ogonjok arbeitete, hörte ich schon ab den 2000er Jahren von den Herausgebern: „Genug von Stalin, das langweilt die Leser schon. Wir müssen vorwärts.“ Und dann kam das Internet auf und brachte uns bei, über alles Witze zu machen … auch über die Repressionen. Die typische, zynische Post-Ironie im Netz: „Na klar, wir waren die, die die ganze Zeit alle erschossen, eingesperrt, gequält haben. Stalin ist an allem schuld.“ Die ideale Methode für die Masse, die Augen vor der Wahrheit zu verschließen.  

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Genau dasselbe passiert heute: Jede Erwähnung von Schuld und Verantwortung der Russen für den Krieg wird, sogar von der Opposition, als „langweilig und lächerlich“ abgetan. 

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Medwedew: Mit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg ist es komplizierter. Das ist nicht nur ein weiterer Staatsmythos, sondern auch ein Gründungsmythos, die Grundlage der sowjetischen Identität. Im Grunde nimmt unser Staat – der einstige wie der jetzige – seinen Ursprung nicht am frostigen 7. November, nicht am diffusen 12. Juni und schon gar nicht am frei erfundenen 4. November, sondern am 9. Mai. Im Mittelpunkt dieser Ontologie steht das Sühneopfer, der Tod als Erlösung. Das ist auch der Grund, warum der Mythos des Krieges für viele so schnell und leicht das Christentum ersetzt hat. Zumal das Datum im Frühling liegt, die Natur und der Flieder erwachen zur Blüte, das Leben siegt über den Tod – ein sowjetisches, ein sowjeltliches Ostern. 

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Als Kind hatte ich diesen Mythos zutiefst verinnerlicht – nicht als sowjetisch-feierlichen, sondern als menschlichen, von zwei vorhergehenden Generationen durchlittenen. Bei uns zu Hause gab es keinen Veteranenkult. Der eine Großvater, der als Funker bis nach Berlin gekommen war, hatte die Familie schon lange verlassen, der andere hatte den ganzen Krieg im Gulag gesessen (insgesamt 17 Jahre). Aber die 1970er Jahre, in denen ich groß wurde, waren eine stark vom Humanismus der Tauwetterzeit und der so genannten Leutnant-Prosa beeinflusste Zeit … Ich malte rührende Postkarten – nicht mit Panzern, sondern mit Blumen und Kiefernzapfen, und ging zu Treffen mit den Veteranen am Bolschoi-Theater. 

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Erst in den 1980ern wurde der Mythos zunehmend in Bronze und Stein gegossen, erdrückt von der Malaja Semlja (dt. Kleines Land – dek) und all den Ewigen Feuern, in den 1990ern vollends verstaatlicht und in den 2000ern unter Putin in sein Gegenteil verkehrt – in ein militaristisches, chauvinistisches Freudenfest, das in einer Staatsreligion mündete – samt düsterem Tempel und den Kreuzprozessionen des Unsterblichen Regiments.

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All das ist natürlich widerwärtig, aber ich erinnere mich an meine Kindheit und verstehe, wie und warum dieser Mythos funktioniert. 

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Wenn wir noch mal auf unseren ersten Mythos zu sprechen kommen, dem von der Größe, glaube ich, dass die Propaganda diese beiden Komponenten ziemlich geschickt kombiniert: den Mythos von der Größe Russlands und den Mythos vom Opfer des 9. Mai. Herausgekommen ist eine explosive, atemberaubende Mischung: der Mythos vom Sieg als Hauptparadigma der russischen Geschichte. Oder noch weiter gefasst – der Mythos des Krieges als Basisontologie des russischen Lebens.  

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Russland ist ja ein kriegerisches Land: In zehn Jahrhunderten finden sich kaum ein paar Dutzend Jahre, in denen es nicht gegen irgendjemanden gekämpft hat. Mit Militärgeschichte, Kriegsethos, Militärelite bis weit ins 19. Jahrhundert hinein – daher stammen, wie schon Juri Lotman über den russischen Adel schrieb, der Risiko-Kult, die Verachtung des Lebens, die Liebe zum Duell und zum Kartenspiel. Die kriegerische Ordnung von Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft, Bewusstsein, Rekrutentum und Einberufung und die Schicksalsergebenheit („unsere Großväter haben gekämpft, also gehen wir auch“). Der Krieg wird in Russland genauso hingenommen wie der raue Winter oder die hartherzige Macht – da wird nicht diskutiert, da wird überlebt. 

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All dies ging nahtlos über vom Kaiserreich in die Sowjetunion und von der Sowjetunion in die Gegenwart. Und jetzt führt Russland im Namen dieses Mythos’, dieses Narrativs, einen weiteren Krieg – kriminell, sinnlos, plump, aber durch die Tradition geheiligt, in den Mythos eingeschrieben und daher – für die Bevölkerung natürlich und gewohnt. 

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Archangelski: Das hast du wunderbar formuliert – Krieg als Ersatz für die Religion. Auch Krieg als Abenteuer übrigens („ein Filmchen über das Krieglein“ hat meine Oma, die den ganzen Krieg erlebt hat, in den 1970er Jahren beim Fernsehen immer gesagt). Diese ganze Glamourisierung des Krieges und dass man einen Sport daraus macht, wie Anton Dolin einmal sagte – das hatte monströse Auswirkungen. Das hat unter anderem zu der Formel „Wir können es wiederholen“ geführt. So kann nur jemand über den Krieg sprechen, dem niemand je die Wahrheit über den Krieg erzählt hat. 

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Nicht einmal die Schestidesjatniki, die in den 1960er Jahren den Alltag, das Leben im Krieg sehr authentisch beschrieben, haben von den aufgeschichteten Leichenstapeln erzählt, den jeder eroberte Flecken Erde kostete. Dieses rund um die Uhr laufende Fließband des Todes, das lebendige Menschen zu Tausenden in starre, verwesende Überreste verwandelte, wurde ausgespart. So sieht aber jeder Krieg aus, für beide Seiten. Die deutschen Toten kamen in der Kriegsliteratur natürlich vor, aber unsere nicht. Denn das wäre ein Frevel gewesen! Von ihnen kann man nur in zufällig erhalten gebliebenen Erinnerungen lesen. Dort finden wir dann die „Wahrheit über den Krieg“, die wir heute dank Aufnahmen von Drohnen und Bodycams erfahren …    

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Aus dem von dir beschriebenen Mythos des „Krieges als Religion“ ergeben sich meiner Meinung nach zwei weitere wichtige Denkmuster: einerseits der Mythos, der uns zu Sowjetzeiten eingetrichtert wurde und der jetzt wiederkehrt – dass die UdSSR den Faschismus ganz allein besiegt habe (vor allem ohne Großbritannien und die USA). Was dem heutigen Russland und seiner Bevölkerung quasi das absolute moralische Recht für die Zukunft verleiht: „Wir haben das Böse in der Welt besiegt, darum steht die ganze Welt für immer in unserer Schuld. Also dürfen wir alles.“ Wohlgemerkt fehlt diesem „Wir“ der elementare Anstand allein schon dem früheren „Wir“ gegenüber, zu dem ja auch die Bürger der anderen Sowjetrepubliken gehörten.                      

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Und das zweite Denkmuster betrifft, was genau „wir“ als „Unseres“ betrachten: „Uns gehört alles, wo wir jemals Blut vergossen haben“ (und wir haben fast schon überall gekämpft). Wie der Dichter Boris Sluzki schrieb: „In fünf Nachbarländern liegen unsere Leichen verscharrt.“ Das entspricht Putins Formel: „Russland hat kein Ende.“ Die Verluste in den zahlreichen Kriegen über mehrere Jahrhunderte – enorme, unnötige und, wie die Geschichte oft gezeigt hat, sinnlose Opfer – werden jetzt zu einem blutigen, symbolischen Kapital des Putin-Regimes. Je mehr Tote, desto mehr moralisches Recht auf neue Eroberungen! Es ist zynisch, funktioniert aber.    

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Nebenbei tilgt diese „absolute Berechtigung“ wie im Vorbeigehen jegliche Sünden aus dem historischen Gedächtnis: den Angriff auf Finnland 1939/40, die Annexion der baltischen Staaten 1940, die „Befreiungsfeldzüge“ in der Westukraine und in Belarus und die Vernichtung Polens als Staat; ebenso den ursprünglichen Grund dafür, den Pakt zwischen Molotow und Ribbentrop, also praktisch den Auslöser für den Zweiten Weltkrieg Hand in Hand mit Hitler. Der verbrecherische Pakt wird gern – sowohl in der Sowjetzeit als auch heute noch – als „Zwangsmaßnahme, um Zeit zu gewinnen“ bezeichnet. Nicht einmal die Veröffentlichung der geheimen Zusatzprotokolle Ende der 1980er Jahre konnte dieses Narrativ ins Wanken bringen: Im kollektiven Bewusstsein wird diese Kooperation mit dem Bösen einfach als „Kriegslist“ abgetan, als „Finte“ – und so löst sich das Problem des Bösen durch bloßes Vergessen. 

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Medwedew: Wir haben jetzt eine neue Definition von Russlands Grenzen: „Wo ein russischer Soldat seinen Fuß hinsetzt, das gehört uns“, sagte Putin im Juni 2025. Eine prahlerische, pathetische und völlig falsche Behauptung (was sollte man von einem Berufslügner auch sonst erwarten): Russische Soldaten sind mit ihren Füßen durch Mukden und Port Arthur getrampelt, durch Afghanistan und die Mandschurei, bei Suworows sinn- und hirnloser Überquerung über die Alpen, und überall hat sich Russland unter Schande zurückgezogen … Diese Verherrlichung des Krieges, die territoriale Expansion, das Blutvergießen sind archaisch. Das Argumentum ab sanguinis, die Berufung auf „das Blut des russischen Soldaten“, „das Blut der Großväter“ ist das erste Anzeichen des Faschismus, einer biologischen Definition der Nation als kollektiver Körper, als „Blut und Boden“. 

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Gleichzeitig erklärt es das völlige Fehlen von historischer Reflektiertheit, eines kritischen Blicks auf die eigene Geschichte und die Unfähigkeit, die Verbrechen der Vergangenheit anzuerkennen. Das russische historische Gedächtnis ist präpariert, selektiv und oberflächlich – einerseits ist es mythologisiert und den großen Staatsnarrativen unterworfen (Sieg, Größe, Opfer im Namen eines übergeordneten Ziels), andererseits durch Repressionen und Zensur beschränkt, indem sämtliche scharfe Kanten akkurat umschifft werden – Fragen nach Verbrechen, Verantwortung, Schuld. 

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Der Genozid an Minderheiten-Volksgruppen bei der Expansion des Russischen Imperiums, die stalinistischen Deportationen, Katyn, die Kriegsverbrechen der Roten Armee in Europa 1945 und der sowjetischen Armee in Afghanistan, die seit 200 Jahren andauernde Auslöschung von Tschetschenen – diese Themen kommen im Massenbewusstsein überhaupt nicht vor, sie werden sorgfältig tabuisiert, ins „Ghetto“ der Menschenrechtler gedrängt (z. B. in die Publikationen und Veranstaltungen von Memorial) und von den Behörden als „russlandfeindlich“ gebrandmarkt. Infolgedessen haben wir es mit einem hohlen, einseitigen und absolut infantilen Geschichtsbild zu tun, das ein verlogenes Gefühl von Größe und unumstößlicher historischer Rechtmäßigkeit vermittelt, jede Verantwortung für die Vergangenheit ausschließt und als Garantie für neue Verbrechen dient, die Russland im Namen seiner eigenen Geschichte begeht. 

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Archangelski: Da ist einerseits die Vertuschung unbequemer Wahrheiten und die Vernichtung von Zeugen, andererseits die Betonung des eigenen Sonderstatus als angeblich einziger Retter der Welt. Diese „ewige Synthese“ erzeugt ein weiteres Denkmuster, das im Volksmund lautet: „Wir sind alle ein Volk.“ Das ist natürlich aus der Kolonialgeschichte erwachsen. Der russische Imperialismus unterscheidet sich vom typisch europäischen „Seefahrtsimperialismus“. Dem europäischen Kolonialismus lag seinerzeit die Idee eines prinzipiellen Unterschieds zwischen Kolonisator und Kolonisiertem zugrunde, die Grenze dazwischen galt als unüberwindbar. Der russische Imperialismus basiert auf der gegenteiligen Idee, nämlich auf Gleichheit, zumindest, was Ukrainer und Belarussen betrifft. „Ihr seid genau wie wir, wir sind alle ein Volk“, sagt der Kolonisator und breitet scheinheilig seine Arme aus.  

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So entsteht ein Fahrstuhleffekt (ähnlich wie ihn der Soziologe Ulrich Beck 1986 in seinem Buch Risikogesellschaft über den Einfluss der „Wohlstandsexplosion“ nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg auf die westdeutsche Gesellschaft beschrieb – dek), es tun sich neue Wege des Erfolgs auf: Bei der nächsten Säuberung wirst du nicht mehr zu Hause an die Wand gestellt, sondern in Moskau! Du musst nur deine eigene Identität zugunsten einer großrussischen verleugnen, und schon kannst du über alle anderen so genannten „kleinen Völker“ bestimmen, Herr über die Sklaven des Imperiums werden. Dank dieser These erhält das Imperium auch gleich ein „Recht“ auf benachbarte Gebiete, die so genannten „historischen Länder“. Und so geht das Konzept von Russki Mir über in das eines „historischen Russlands“ – eben jenes, in das schonmal ein russischer Soldat seinen Fuß gesetzt hat.   

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In Putins Ideologie ist Russland eine „Siegernation“. Selbstverständlich wünschten sich alle anderen Völker rundherum insgeheim nichts sehnlicher, als sich diesem „Siegervolk“ anzuschließen. Eine Ablehnung – wie der heftige Widerstand der Ukraine – stößt bei den Adepten des Russki Mir auf ehrliche Verwunderung: Warum nur? Gibt es etwa eine Alternative zu unserer Größe?  

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Mit ihrem imperialistischen Bewusstsein kommt ihnen – wieder ganz aufrichtig – gar nicht in den Sinn, dass die Idee der Größe für andere Völker völlig irrelevant sein könnte. Sie wollen einfach ihren Garten bestellen und in Ruhe gelassen werden.   

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Der Mythos vom „einigen Volk“ – ist der aus deiner Sicht als Historiker ein dezidiert russisches Instrument, das dem Imperium das Recht auf endlose Kolonisierungen verleiht? 

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Medwedew: Nein, natürlich nicht, und das Erste, woran man hier denken muss, ist der Mythos der einigen deutschen Nation, deren geopolitische Folgen Europa ein Jahrhundert lang erschüttert haben – von Mitte des 19. bis Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts. Die Errichtung der deutschen Nation kostete die Welt drei große Kriege und Millionen Opfer. Russland, das auf seinem Weg in die Moderne zurückgeblieben ist, wiederholt in groben Zügen den historischen Verlauf der Deutschen und durchlebt die geopolitischen Folgen der romantischen Vorstellung von der Nation als Blut-, Sprach- und Schicksalsgemeinschaft. Putins geistiger Vater in dieser Hinsicht ist Solschenizyn, der in seinen späten politischen Pamphleten die Idee eines einheitlichen Volkes aus Russen, Ukrainern und Belarussen begründete und daran das russischsprachige Nordkasachstan anhängte – eine Idee, die sich fest in den postimperialen Köpfen verankert hat.

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Der Mythos von der „Volksgemeinschaft“ als organischer Einheit von „Blut und Boden“ holt uns zurück auf das bio-politische Terrain des Faschismus, der die Nation über die Biologie definiert (auch die Sprache wird zum biologischen, organischen, körperlichen Phänomen). Die Konzepte „russischsprachig“, „Volksgenossen“, „Russki Mir“ sind in ihrem Kern faschistisch, und es ist kein Zufall, dass sie die Grundlage für den Diskurs bilden, der den Krieg in der Ukraine und die Zerstörung der ukrainischen Staatlichkeit und Identität rechtfertigt. Auf dieselbe Weise könnte dieser Diskurs auch für Aggressionen gegen Kasachstan, Lettland oder Estland genutzt werden. 

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Archangelski: Das imperiale Bewusstsein findet sich schweren Herzens damit ab, dass die baltischen Staaten und die ehemaligen Mitglieder des Warschauer Pakts für uns jetzt „Fremde“ sind. Doch in Russland weiß heute kaum jemand, dass die Unabhängigkeit der Ukraine schon 1918 ausgerufen wurde, und eine unabhängige Ukraine ist für das imperialistische Bewusstsein nach wie vor unerträglich.  

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Obwohl die sowjetische Führung nur allzu gut wusste, wie erbittert sich der bewaffnete ukrainische Untergrund im Westen des Landes in den 1940–1950er Jahren gegen die Besatzung gewehrt hatte. Die sowjetische Zentralregierung schickte eine NKWD-Division nach der anderen hin, und aus den damaligen Geheimberichten geht hervor, dass die lokale Bevölkerung „fast durchwegs aufseiten der Aufständischen“ war. Ob die spätsowjetische Propaganda die Eigenständigkeit der Ukraine in der Massenkultur, im Fernsehen vielleicht deswegen so sorgfältig dosiert hat? Diese Eigenständigkeit durfte ausschließlich folkloristisch sein: „Das sind die, die hübsch tanzen und schön singen.“ Jeder ukrainische Schriftsteller, jeder Künstler, der versuchte, seine nationale Identität zu thematisieren, wurde sofort mit Vorwürfen des „bourgeoisen Nationalismus“ überschwemmt. 

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Die aktuelle Propaganda übertrumpft an Plumpheit sogar die sowjetische. Denn das Postulat, auf dem sie heute beruht, ist die Negierung jeder auch nur irgendwie gearteten Eigenständigkeit der Ukraine (hier zeigt sich eine historische Parallele: Das ganze 19. Jahrhundert hindurch wurde, genau wie 1939, mit derselben Vehemenz Polen jede Eigenständigkeit abgesprochen, worin sich die Nazis und die Kommunisten im Übrigen wunderbar einig waren). Aber wie blöd muss man sein, um der 52-Millionen starken ukrainischen Bevölkerung ins Gesicht zu sagen: „Ihr seid nur ausgedacht“, „Euch gibt es gar nicht“ – und sich so auch noch einen „ideellen“ Sieg über sie zu erhoffen?   

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Die jahrzehntelang eingebläute „fehlende Souveränität“ färbt heute sogar auf jene Russen ab, die die Ukraine unterstützen. Das ist etwa in der Rhetorik auf den oppositionellen Demonstrationen in Berlin zu hören: Bei der ersten Demo war richtiggehend spürbar, dass die Redner einfach keine Sprache hatten, um über die Ukraine zu sprechen.  

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Medwedew: In Wirklichkeit ist es nämlich genau umgekehrt: Die Ukraine besitzt vollwertige Souveränität, die mit jedem Kriegstag wächst, während Russland diesen Status zunehmend einbüßt. Im Zuge dieses Kriegs hat sich die Ukraine endgültig als politische Nation bewährt, sie praktisch im Feuer der Kämpfe gestählt. Die Ukraine verfügt nicht nur über die derzeit kampfstärkste Armee Europas, sondern ist auch in den internationalen Beziehungen ein bedeutender Akteur, der mit den Großmächten auf Augenhöhe spricht.  

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Russland dagegen verfügt weder über eine vollwertige innere noch äußere Souveränität. Im Inneren hat es aufgehört, ein Imperium zu sein, ist aber auch keine Nation geworden, weder ethnisch noch zivilgesellschaftlich. Die Russen wurden nicht zu politischen Akteuren, sondern blieben Bevölkerung, statistische Masse. Auch nach außen hin ist Russland kein vollständig souveräner Staat – mit illegitimen und nicht anerkannten Grenzen, mit einem Präsidenten, nach dem international gefahndet wird. 

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Ich glaube, dieses ganze russische Narrativ vom „mangelnden Subjektstatus“ der Ukraine wurzelt in Neid, in eben jenem eigenen Mangel an Eigenständigkeit, Identität und Würde. Die Ukraine war ein Grundpfeiler des Imperiums, sagte schon Brzeziński, und dass das Imperium ohne sie seinen Sinn verliert. Der Verlust der Ukraine wurde zu einem fundamentalen Trauma des russischen imperialen Bewusstseins. Genau darum geht es in Brodskys Schmähgedicht Auf die Unabhängigkeit der Ukraine, das seine Fans verstört und nicht in den Kanon des rebellischen Dichters passt – in Wirklichkeit ist es ein wütender Aufschrei des russischen imperialen Bewusstseins, als dessen vollwertiger Vertreter sich Brodsky fühlte. Wie übrigens auch sein Vorläufer Puschkin, ein weiterer imperialistischer Dichter. 

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Im russischen Ressentiment gegen die Ukraine verschmelzen zwei Gefühle: die Kränkung eines Herren, der verloren hat, was ihm rechtmäßig zuzustehen schien (die Ukraine wurde als besonders nahestehend angesehen, so nah, dass sie kaum zu unterscheiden war, und deshalb wird ihr Weggang schmerzlich als Verrat empfunden); und zweitens der ohnmächtige Neid eines Sklaven auf einen freien Menschen. 

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Die beste Medizin gegen all diese Mythen von Größe, Sieg und Recht auf uneingeschränkte Expansion, von Russlands Einzigartigkeit und der Minderwertigkeit der imperialen Randgebiete, wäre eine Niederlage Russlands in der Ukraine nach dem Vorbild Deutschlands im Jahr 1945. Aber ich fürchte, selbst das würde der sterbenden Großmacht, die weiter ihre vergangene Größe halluziniert, nicht helfen. 

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Archangelski: „Halluziniert“, das trifft es sehr gut. Der Mythos von der grenzenlosen Größe ist ein Ersatz für das Imperium, das man eingebüßt hat. Und je deutlicher der Verlust wird, desto stärker die Massenhalluzinationen. Zwei Denkmuster begleiten diesen abgedroschenen Mythos von der Größe. Erstens, und zwar seit Jahrhunderten: „Alle beneiden uns und wollen uns erobern, um an unsere Reichtümer zu kommen.“ Der neue russische Pop-Hit Matuschka-semlja (dt. Mütterchen Erde) fasst diese Klischeesammlung aufs Simpelste zusammen: „Mütterchen Erde, weißes Birkenbäumchen, für mich die heilige Rus, für die anderen ein Dorn im Auge.“  

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Alle auf der Welt träumten davon, uns zu unterjochen und zu erobern: Darauf stützt sich auch Putins These von der „Ausweitung der Nato bis an die russischen Grenzen“, die als formeller Grund für die unvermittelte Aggression gegen die Ukraine herangezogen wird. Und als Ergebnis dieses universellen Egozentrismus ist jegliche Handlung immer nur als „für“ oder „gegen“ Russland zu betrachten.    

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Zu guter Letzt würde ich gern noch einen Blick auf eine These werfen, die bei Putins Propagandisten besonders beliebt ist: „Alle Revolutionen in Russland wurden von außen angezettelt.“ Davon bleibt nicht einmal die Revolution von 1917 verschont, die einer propagierten Version zufolge heute als „Operation des deutschen Generalstabs“ gilt. Das macht einen wirklich sprachlos. In einem Vierteljahrhundert ist die fundamentale Säule der sowjetischen Ideologie komplett in Vergessenheit geraten: die UdSSR, der erste Arbeiter- und Bauernstaat der Welt, als Produkt der Oktoberrevolution. Jene, die noch in den 1970er Jahren, dem ideologischen Dogma folgend, die Revolution als höchsten Akt menschlichen Handelns, als wahre Schöpfung der Massen begriffen und das „revolutionäre Feuer“ auf der ganzen Welt entfacht hatten, diskreditieren heute mit böse funkelnden Augen und wutverzerrten Mienen die Revolutionen anderer Länder (allen voran den ukrainischen Euromaidan 2014) als „Staatsstreiche“.

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Glauben sie eigentlich selbst, was sie da sagen? Das ist natürlich eine rhetorische Frage. Ein so doppelzüngiger Umgang mit der eigenen Geschichte sagt einiges aus, vor allem, dass den Anhängern solcher Thesen selbst nichts heilig ist und sie keinen Respekt vor der Vergangenheit kennen. 

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Medwedew: Wenn man die Mythen und Denkparadigmen, die wir besprochen haben, dekonstruiert, wird einem klar, dass sie alle das Ergebnis jahrhundertelanger gezielter Konstruktion durch staatlich gelenkte Propaganda, Kulturelite, Wissenschaft und Schulbildung sind. Diese Vorstellungen scheinen ewig zu halten und werden heute vom Massenbewusstsein reproduziert. Aber in Wirklichkeit sind sie das Ergebnis einer bewussten Mythenbildung, die in verschiedenen historischen Epochen den Interessen des Staates und des Imperiums diente: von der Moskauer und Petersburger Zeit bis zur sowjetischen und postsowjetischen Zeit. 

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In der Konsequenz sind all diese Mythen äußerst toxisch, da sie das Massenbewusstsein in einem imperialen Denkparadigma gefangen halten, in Mythen über die Größe und Einzigartigkeit Russlands, seiner Kultur und Zivilisation, über den ewigen Krieg mit dem Westen und die Eschatologie des Sieges. Der Versuch einer kritischen Auseinandersetzung mit diesen Mythen in den 1980er und 1990er Jahren hat nicht zu langfristigen und institutionellen Veränderungen geführt und wird heute als „Verrat“ gebrandmarkt.  

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Im Namen dieser Mythen wird heute Krieg gegen die Ukraine geführt, werden friedliche Städte beschossen – und gleichzeitig wird der Krieg normalisiert, wird das Massenbewusstsein in Russland selbst beruhigt. In diesem Sinne sind romantische Träumereien von einem russischen Imperium nicht nur toxisch, sondern tödlich. 

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Diesen Beitrag veröffentlichen wir in Kooperation mit der Deutschen Sektion der Deutsch-Russischen Geschichtskommission und dem BKGE Oldenburg. 

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Als Krym-Annexion wird die einseitige Eingliederung der sich über die gleichnamige Halbinsel erstreckenden ukrainischen Gebietskörperschaft der Autonomen Republik Krym in die Russische Föderation bezeichnet. Seit der im Frühjahr 2014 erfolgten Annexion der Krym ist die Halbinsel de facto Teil Russlands, de jure jedoch ukrainisches Staatsgebiet und somit Gegenstand eines ungelösten Konfliktes zwischen der Ukraine und Russland.

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Der Donbas als Propaganda-Lehrstück: So erzeugt man künstlich einen bewaffneten Konflikt – durch Instrumentalisierung lokalpatriotischer Bewegungen und medialen Hass. Für The Moscow Times skizziert der aus Luhansk stammende Journalist Konstantin Skorkin die Entwicklung der russischen Einmischung in den ostukrainischen Regionen bis hin zum Krieg seit 2014. 

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Leonid Breshnew war von 1964 bis 1982 Vorsitzender der KPdSU und prägte als erster Mann im Staat fast zwei Jahrzehnte lang das Geschehen der Sowjetunion. Seine Herrschaft wird einerseits mit einem bescheidenen gesellschaftlichen Wohlstand assoziiert, gleichzeitig jedoch auch als Ära der Stagnation bezeichnet.

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Der Begriff sastoi, zu Deutsch Stagnation, meint die Periode zwischen der Absetzung des Parteichefs Nikita Chruschtschow im Jahre 1964 bis zum Beginn der Reformpolitik unter Gorbatschow im Jahre 1985. Diese Phase zeichnete sich durch fehlende politische und wirtschaftliche Dynamik aus. In der engeren Deutung wird die Bezeichnung sastoi auf die Amtszeit von Leonid Breshnew (1964–1982) angewandt.

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Nur die Toten leben in Russland glücklich, so scheint es oft. Wie kann das sein? Eine poetische Spurensuche von Nikolai Uskow.

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Das Pionierlager Artek auf der Krim wurde 1925 erst als Sanatorium für Tuberkulosevorsorge eröffnet. Bereits in den 30er Jahren wurde das Lager zur Ikone stilisiert und ist zum Traumland und Wunschziel einiger Generationen der Pioniere geworden. Seit den 1960er Jahren verbrachten jeden Sommer insgesamt 20.000 Kinder ihre Ferien in Artek. Nach dem Zerfall der UdSSR wurde das Lager von der Ukraine weiterbetrieben und kam mit der Angliederung der Krim wieder unter russische Verwaltung.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/iwan-iljin\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Iwan Iljin\",\"text\":\"

Der russische Religionsphilosoph Iwan Iljin (1883–1954) gehört zu den Säulenheiligen der neuen konservativen Staatsideologie in Russland. Seine autoritäre und monarchistische Gesellschaftskonzeption wird in der Ära Putin für die Legitimierung der Vertikale der Macht eingesetzt. Iljin hatte aber auch ein gehaltvolles theologisches Werk vorgelegt, das heute von der politischen Vereinnahmung überschattet wird.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/putin-krieg-ukraine-entscheidung-kreml\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Wie Putin lernte, die Ukraine zu hassen\",\"text\":\"

Wie kam Putin zu der Entscheidung, die Ukraine zu überfallen? Welche Schlüsselmomente gab es, und wer hat ihn dabei beeinflusst? Ilja Sheguljow rekonstruiert diesen Weg in einer aufwändigen und vielbeachteten Recherche auf Verstka.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/grosser-vaterlaendischer-krieg\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Großer Vaterländischer Krieg\",\"text\":\"

Als Großen Vaterländischen Krieg bezeichnet man in Russland den Kampf der Sowjetunion gegen Hitlerdeutschland 1941–1945. Der Begriff ist an den Vaterländischen Krieg gegen Napoleon im Jahr 1812 angelehnt. Galt der Sieg über den Faschismus offiziell zunächst als ein sozialistischer Triumph unter vielen, wurde er seit Mitte der 1960er Jahre zu einem zentralen Bezugspunkt der russischen Geschichte.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/28-panfilow-helden\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"28 Panfilow-Helden\",\"text\":\"

28 Panfilow-Helden ist ein sowjetisches Propaganda-Motiv aus dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. Ende November 2016 wurde die Premiere des gleichnamigen Films gefeiert, der durch Crowdfunding und Förderung des Kulturministeriums finanziert wurde. Zwischen dem Kulturminister Wladimir Medinski und dem Leiter des Staatsarchivs Sergej Mironenko kam es im Vorfeld zu einem öffentlichkeitswirksamen Konflikt: Mironenko kritisierte, die Geschichte sei ein Mythos. Der Minister entgegnete harsch, er würde verstehen, wenn Mironenko den Job wechsle.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/planwirtschaft\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Planwirtschaft\",\"text\":\"

Die Begriffe Planwirtschaft und (zentral-)administrative Wirtschaft werden zumeist synonym beziehungsweise parallel verwendet. Manche Ökonomen verweisen allerdings darauf, dass eine (zentral-)administrative Wirtschaft ohne staatliche Planvorgaben auskommen kann. Darin bestehe auch der Unterschied zwischen dem gegenwärtigen Russland und der Sowjetunion. In dieser war der sogenannte Fünfjahresplan (rus. pjatiletka beziehungsweise pjatiletni plan) ein zentrales Instrument zur Planung volkswirtschaftlicher Aktivitäten.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/grosser-terror-jeschowschtschina-saeuberungen\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Der Große Terror\",\"text\":\"

Als Großen Terror bezeichnet man die staatlichen Repressionen gegen die sowjetische Bevölkerung zwischen 1936 und 1938. Der Begriff wurde durch die gleichnamige Monographie des britischen Historikers Robert Conquest geprägt. Während des Großen Terrors wurden Schätzungen zufolge rund 1,6 Millionen Menschen verhaftet, etwa 680.000 von ihnen wurden zum Tode verurteilt. Die Repressionen erfolgten in mehreren Wellen. Waren zunächst vor allem hohe Parteikader betroffen, gerieten im Laufe der Zeit immer neue Gesellschaftsgruppen ins Visier der Sicherheitsorgane. Eine juristische Aufarbeitung dieser Verbrechen fand bis heute nicht statt.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/erinnerungskultur-grosser-vaterlaendischer-krieg-sowjetunion\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Der Große Vaterländische Krieg in der Erinnerungskultur\",\"text\":\"

Im heutigen Russland gibt es kein homogenes „kollektives Gedächtnis“ an den Krieg, sondern mehrere mit-, neben-, und gegeneinander existierende und agierende Bilder der Kriegserinnerung. Die Verflechtung des politischen und individuellen Gedächtnisses ist das Spezifikum russischer Erinnerungskultur, zu welcher sowohl Siegesstolz als auch Trauer gehören.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/perestroika\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Perestroika\",\"text\":\"

Im engeren Sinne bezeichnet Perestroika die politische, wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Umgestaltung, die auf Initiative von Michail Gorbatschow ab 1987 in der Sowjetunion durchgeführt wurde. Politische Öffnung und größere Medienfreiheit führten bald dazu, dass sich die Forderungen nach Veränderung verselbständigten – obwohl die Reformen neben viel Hoffnung auch viel Enttäuschung brachten. Die Perestroika läutete einen unaufhaltsamen Prozess des Wandels ein und mündete im Ende der Sowjetunion.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/stalins-saeuberungen-tscheka-tepljakow\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Stalins Henker\",\"text\":\"

Woher rekrutierte die Maschinerie des Großen Terrors unter Stalin ihre Täter? Welchen Einfluss hat die Öffnung von Archiven in der Ukraine auf den Diskurs in Russland? Und wie soll die Gesellschaft umgehen mit Tätern, die selbst zum Opfer wurden? Der Nowosibirsker Historiker Alexej Tepljakow im Interview mit der Novaya Gazeta.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/karagodin-stalin-terror-taeter\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Die Täter-Debatte\",\"text\":\"

Ein Enkel will genau wissen: Wer hat im Großen Terror unter Stalin 1938 meinen Urgroßvater erschossen? Nun ist eine erregte, öffentliche Debatte entbrannt, als Denis Karagodin nach langer Suche dem Töten konkrete Namen gab – und der Gewalt ein Gesicht. Sergej Medwedew fragt sich auf Republic: Was ist daran so brisant? (Archiv-Text)

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/tag-der-nationalen-einheit\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Tag der Einheit des Volkes\",\"text\":\"

Der arbeitsfreie Feiertag wurde im Jahr 2005 eingeführt – als Ersatz für den Tag der Oktoberrevolution. Er wird am 4. November begangen und bezieht sich auf ein Ereignis aus dem Jahr 1612, als ein Volksaufstand die polnisch-litauischen Besatzer aus dem Moskauer Kreml vertrieb. Der Feiertag soll den Zusammenhalt der russischen Gesellschaft angesichts äußerer Bedrohungen symbolisieren – über ethnische und religiöse Grenzen hinweg.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/tag-des-sieges\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Tag des Sieges\",\"text\":\"

Der Tag des Sieges wird in den meisten Nachfolgestaaten der UdSSR sowie in Israel am 9. Mai gefeiert. Er erinnert an den Sieg der Sowjetunion über das nationalsozialistische Deutschland und ist in Russland inzwischen der wichtigste Nationalfeiertag. Der 9. Mai ist nicht nur staatlicher Gedenktag, sondern wird traditionell auch als Volks- und Familienfest begangen.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/gulag\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Gulag\",\"text\":\"

Der Begriff Gulag steht im weitesten Sinne für das sowjetische Lagersystem und damit für den Terror und den Repressionsapparat, den die kommunistische Partei der Sowjetunion zum Erhalt ihrer Macht aufbaute. GULag ist die Abkürzung für Hauptverwaltung der Erziehungs- und Arbeitslager. Diese Verwaltungsstruktur existierte von 1922 bis 1956 und unterstand dem sowjetischen Sicherheitsdienst.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/entstalinisierung-chruschtschow-geheimrede-tauwetter\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Entstalinisierung unter Chruschtschow\",\"text\":\"

Die ersten Anzeichen einer Entstalinisierung zeigten sich bereits unmittelbar nach Stalins Tod 1953. Zentral dafür wurde jedoch erst die Geheimrede Nikita Chruschtschows, die er 1956 auf dem XX. Parteitag der KPdSU hielt. Die Phase der Sowjetgeschichte, die als Tauwetter bekannt wurde, erlaubte eine deutliche Liberalisierung des Kulturbereichs und eine Abkehr von Repression und Gewalt.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/tauwetter\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Tauwetter\",\"text\":\"

Befreiung vom Despoten, zarte Protestkultur und Poeten als Volkshelden: Die Zeit des Tauwetters in den Jahren nach Stalins Tod brachte eine Neudefinition des sowjetischen Lebens. Kultur und Politik erfuhren eine euphorische Phase der Liberalisierung. Doch schon mit der Entmachtung Nikita Chruschtschows setzte eine politische Restaurationsphase ein, die bis zur Perestroika andauern sollte. Heutzutage wird das Tauwetter oft nostalgisch verklärt, unter Historikern ist seine Deutung weiterhin umstritten.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/leutnant-prosa\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Leutnant-Prosa\",\"text\":\"

Als Leutnant-Prosa bezeichnet man literarische Werke über den Deutsch-Sowjetischen Krieg, die von sowjetischen Schriftstellern geschrieben wurden, die selbst in der Roten Armee gekämpft hatten. Im Gegensatz zum offiziell-propagandistischen Bild vom Krieg und den Erinnerungen der Kriegsherren, die sich eher für die strategischen Fragen interessierten, behandelten diese Autoren meist die Kriegsroutine – oft sehr unangenehm, nicht selten erschreckend. Zwar erschien mit Wiktor Nekrasows W okopach Stalingrada (dt. In den Schützengräben von Stalingrad) das erste Werk bereits 1946, unmittelbar nach dem Kriegsende. Doch die Blütezeit der Leutnant-Prosa folgte erst nach dem Tod Stalins 1953 in der Tauwetter-Periode (1956-1965). 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/bolschoi-theater\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Bolschoi-Theater\",\"text\":\"

Das Bolschoi-Theater (dt. Großes Theater, oft bloß Bolschoi) ist das älteste und eines der größten Theater für Oper und Ballett in Russland. Es befindet sich im Stadtzentrum von Moskau, nur wenige Gehminuten vom Kreml und dem Roten Platz entfernt. Das Theater wurde 1776 gegründet, Mitte des 19. Jahrhundert erhielt es seinen Namen und das neoklassizistische Hauptgebäude. 1877 feierte das berühmte Ballett Schwanensee von Pjotr Tschaikowski im Bolschoi seine Weltpremiere. Berühmte Vertreter des Bolschoi-Ensembles seit Anfang des 20. Jahrhundert sind der Opernsänger Fjodor Schaljapin, der Komponist Sergej Rachmaninow sowie die Primaballerinen Galina Ulanowa und Maja Plissezkaja. Seit 2023 wird das Bolschoi von Waleri Gergijew geleitet, der seit 1996 auch Intendant des Mariinskii-Theater in Sankt-Peterburg ist und als enger Freund von Wladimir Putin gilt. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/malaja-semlja\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Malaja Semlja \",\"text\":\"

Malaja Semlja (dt. Kleines Land) ist ein dokumentarisches Buch, das von einer Gruppe Journalisten geschrieben wurde, aber 1978 im Namen des Vorsitzenden der KPdSU und faktischen Staatsoberhaupts der Sowjetunion, Leonid Breshnew, erschien. Es behandelt die Schlacht um die Befreiung der Hafenstadt Noworossijsk an der kaukasischen Schwarzmeerküste im Jahr 1943 von den deutschen Truppen, an der Breshew selbst teilgenommen hatte. Das Manuskript basierte auf Erinnerungen Breshnews, Erinnerungen und Tagesbücher seiner Kampfkameraden sowie auf Archivquellen. Trotz der relativ geringen Bedeutung der Kämpfe um Malaja Semlja wurde das Buch in Massenmedien, Schulen, Hochschulen, Kulturveranstaltungen aktiv propagiert. Es wurde Teil des neu entstehenden Personenkults um Breshnew, der viele sowjetische Staatsbürger irritierte, darunter auch Kriegsveteranen.  

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/ewiges-feuer\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Ewiges Feuer\",\"text\":\"

Das erste Ewige Feuer der Sowjetunion wurde den meisten Quellen zufolge 1957 auf dem Marsfeld in Leningrad (heute Sankt-Peterburg) für die Kämpfer der Oktoberrevolution 1917 entzündet. Zehn Jahre später folgte das Ewige Feuer auf dem Grabmal des unbekannten Soldaten an der Moskauer Kreml-Mauer, diesmal zum Gedenken der Soldat:innen und Offizier:innen, die im Krieg gegen NS-Deutschland gefallen waren. Das war am Anfang der Herrschaft Leonids Breshnews, der selbst in der Roten Armee gekämpft hatte. Unter Breshnew entwickelte sich der Zweite Weltkrieg, bzw. Große Vaterländische Krieg, zum Knotenpunkt im offiziellen sowjetischen Geschichtsnarrativ. Seitdem ist das Moskauer Ewige Feuer ein obligatorischer Bestandteil fast aller offizieller Gedenkveranstaltungen der UdSSR, später auch in Russland.  

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/interview-historiker-9-mai-trauertag\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Der 9. Mai war schon vor dem 24. Februar ein Trauertag\",\"text\":\"

Was bedeuten 80 Jahre Kriegsende in Zeiten des Krieges? Ein Gespräch über Erinnerungskultur in Russland, Osteuropa und Deutschland.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/unsterbliches-regiment\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Unsterbliches Regiment\",\"text\":\"

Unsterbliches Regiment ist eine Gedenkinitiative zum Tag des Sieges im Großen Vaterländischen Krieg. 2012 von liberalen Tomsker Journalisten initiiert, marschieren Menschen mit Porträts von Kriegsteilnehmern aus der eigenen Familie durch Stadtzentren oder Gedenkorte. Der Name der Aktion spielt auf die Bezeichnung einer militärischen Einheit an. Innerhalb weniger Jahre wurde die Graswurzelbewegung zum Bestandteil offizieller Feierlichkeiten. Mittlerweile finden ähnliche Aktionen auch in anderen Ländern statt, nicht nur im postsowjetischen Raum. Laut Kritikern ist das Unsterbliche Regiment heute ganz in die offizielle Geschichtspolitik des Kreml kooptiert. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/juri-lotman\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Juri Lotman\",\"text\":\"

Juri Lotman (1922–1993) war ein sowjetischer Literaturwissenschaftler. Bekanntheit und akademischen Einfluss erlangte er als Mitbegründer der Tartu-Moskauer Schule der Semiotik und als Vordenker der semiotischen Kulturtheorie. Vor dem 2. Weltkrieg studierte er an der Philologischen Fakultät der Leningrader Universität. Seine akademische Karriere setzte er nach dem Krieg jedoch in der estnischen Stadt Tartu fort, da es ihm aufgrund seiner jüdischen Herkunft nicht möglich war, in Leningrad eine Universitätsstelle zu bekommen. Während des Krieges befehligte er eine Artillerieeinheit und wurde mehrfach ausgezeichnet.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/helden-eines-heiligen-kampfes\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Helden eines „heiligen Kampfes“?\",\"text\":\"

Die politische Orthodoxie erscheint mehr und mehr als eine Ideologie, die einen Krieg gegen die ganze Welt rechtfertigt. Gibt es Strömungen im orthodoxen Glauben, die weniger imperial sind?

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/ruestungswirtschaft-wohlstand-regionen-zukunft\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"„Millionen Russen leben derzeit ihr bestes Leben“\",\"text\":\"

Die Rüstungsindustrie boomt, vor allem in den ehemals ärmeren Regionen Russlands steigen auch die Löhne exorbitant. Maxim Katz erklärt die Folgen und warnt vor einer Zukunft voller Kriegsnostalgie.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/russland-zukunft-kriegsende-soziologie-studie\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"„Keiner hat ein Bild von der Zukunft“\",\"text\":\"

Wie Russen sich ihr Leben nach dem Krieg vorstellen – eine Studie von Ljudi Baikala und einem unabhängigen Sozialpsychologen in Sibirien. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/krieg-ukraine-erinnerung-aufarbeitung-vergangenheit\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Die Rache der verdrängten Geschichte\",\"text\":\"

Im russischen Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine, sagt der Journalist Maxim Trudoljubow im Exilmedium Meduza, tritt verdrängte Geschichte wieder ans Licht. Will Russland eine Zukunft haben, so müsse es endlich seine Vergangenheit aufarbeiten.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/krieg-ukraine-gewalt-folter-armee\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Entfesselte Gewalt als Norm\",\"text\":\"

Irpin, Butscha, Mariupol … Die beispiellose Gewalt, die die russische Armee auf dem Gebiet der Ukraine sät, so schreibt der Historiker Sergej Medwedew auf Holod, hat ihre Wurzeln in der russischen Gesellschaftsstruktur.(Archiv-Text vom Juni 2022)

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/russland-krieg-freiwillige-kultur\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Warum Russland die Sterbewilligen nicht ausgehen\",\"text\":\"

Russland scheint unendlichen Soldatennachschub für seinen Krieg gegen die Ukraine rekrutieren zu können. Der Religionswissenschaftler und Postpravda-Autor Nikolai Karpizki sucht nach einer Erklärung dafür im Weltbild und der Haltung zu Leben und Tod der russischen Bevölkerung. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/z-pop-krieg-ukraine-propaganda\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Z-Pop\",\"text\":\"

Die russische Kriegspropaganda bedient sich zunehmend popindustrieller Mechanismen. Zahlreiche Lieder, virale Videos in sozialen Netzwerken, Serien, Filme, Graffiti und andere Formen patriotischer Massenkunst sollen die Richtigkeit dieser Politik vermitteln. Z-Pop zeichnet sich aus durch einfache Botschaften, die Wiederholung immer gleicher Formeln, hochemotionale sprachliche und visuelle Motive sowie eine Orientierung an unterschiedlichen Bevölkerungsgruppen. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/schestidesjatniki\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Schestidesjatniki\",\"text\":\"

Als Schestidesjatniki (dt. etwa Sechziger) wird eine Generation bezeichnet, die in den 1960er Jahren erwachsen wurde oder bereits im frühen Erwachsenenalter war. Viele der Schestidesjatniki begrüßten es, als sich in der sogenannten Tauwetter-Periode unter Nikita Chruschtschow eine Lockerung des Regimes und eine kritische Reflexion der Herrschaft Stalins abzeichnete. In der Konsequenz begehrten sie auf, als unter Leonid Breshnew die Ära der Stagnation begann, in deren Folge die aufgekommene freiheitliche Grundstimmung wieder unterdrückt wurde. Viele verloren ihre Jobs, wurden zu Gefängnis oder Lagerhaft verurteilt.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/putin-imperialismus-geschichte-ziele\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"„Putin will das Imperium wiedererrichten – das steht außer Frage“\",\"text\":\"

Die russische Historikerin Tamara Eidelman im Gespräch mit der Novaya Gazeta Europe über die Geschichte des russischen Imperiums, darüber, was das mit dem Krieg gegen die Ukraine zu tun hat und für wie stabil sie die inneren Verhältnisse Russlands hält. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/hitler-stalin-pakt-weltkrieg\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Der Hitler-Stalin-Pakt\",\"text\":\"

Am 23. August 1939 unterzeichneten Hitlers Außenminister Joachim von Ribbentrop und Stalins Außenkommissar Wjatscheslaw Molotow in Moskau den deutsch-sowjetischen Nichtangriffsvertrag. Das Vertragswerk sah die Neutralität bei Konflikten mit Dritten vor und einen Verzicht auf gegenseitige Gewaltanwendung. In einem geheimen Zusatzprotokoll, dessen Existenz von der Sowjetunion jahrzehntelang geleugnet wurde, legten beide Regime ihre Einflusszonen in Osteuropa fest. Der so genannte Hitler-Stalin-Pakt bildete die Grundlage für den Beginn des Zweiten Weltkriegs in Europa. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/deutscher-ueberfall-sowjetunion-barbarossa\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Deutscher Überfall auf die Sowjetunion\",\"text\":\"

Am 22. Juni 1941 überfiel Hitlers Wehrmacht die Sowjetunion. Somit fing der Große Vaterländische Krieg an – der im Nachhinein siegreiche Verteidigungskampf der Sowjetunion gegen die nationalsozialistischen Aggressoren. Innerhalb weniger Wochen drangen die Wehrmachttruppen weit auf das sowjetische Territorium vor, es fielen über 236.000 Sowjetsoldaten, während mehr als zwei Millionen in deutsche Kriegsgefangenschaft gerieten. Das „Unternehmen Barbarossa“ und der Blitzkrieg konnten jedoch nicht realisiert werden. Bereits im Herbst kamen die Truppen vor Moskau zum Stehen. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/sprache-und-das-trauma-der-befreiung\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Sprache und das Trauma der Befreiung\",\"text\":\"

Unser Longread zum Jahresende dringt tief ins Bewusstsein der russischen Gesellschaft vor – mit einem Seitenblick auf unsere eigene.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/afghanistan-krieg\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Afghanistan-Krieg\",\"text\":\"

Das militärische Eingreifen der Sowjetunion in Afghanistan dauerte von 1979 bis 1989 an. In der sowjetischen Armee dienten neben den Eliteeinheiten vor allem junge Wehrpflichtige. Auf der sowjetischen Seite wurden 15.000 Soldaten getötet und 54.000 verwundet. Der Krieg führte bei der Bevölkerung zu einem Trauma, das bis heute nachwirkt und die Deutung des aktuellen Einsatzes der russischen Luftwaffe in Syrien nicht unerheblich beeinflusst.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/medwedew-gurijew-nationalstaat-vielfalt\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"„Wir müssen das Triumphale aus der Geschichte tilgen“\",\"text\":\"

Was steht Russland derzeit im Weg, über welche Potentiale verfügt es? Auf VTimes erklärt Sergej Medwedew, warum er davon überzeugt ist, dass der Aufbau eines normalen und modernen Nationalstaates zum Greifen nahe ist. Und das Rezept dafür, so der Politologe, ist denkbar einfach.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/massenerschiessungen-katyn-aufarbeitung-polen\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Die Massenerschießungen von Katyn\",\"text\":\"

Im Frühjahr 1940 töteten Angehörige des sowjetischen Innenministeriums (NKWD) auf Befehl des Politbüros mehrere Tausend polnische Offiziere in der Nähe des Dorfes Katyn unweit der russischen Stadt Smolensk. Die Massenerschießungen waren Teil einer von Stalins Politbüro angeordneten Aktion gegen polnische Kriegsgefangene. Die deutsche Wehrmacht entdeckte das Massengrab im April 1943 und missbrauchte das Ereignis für eine große anti-sowjetische Propagandakampagne.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/erinnerung-afghanistan-krieg-perestroika\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Erinnerung an den Afghanistan-Krieg\",\"text\":\"

Auf dem Höhepunkt der Perestroika 1989 zogen die letzten sowjetischen Truppen aus Afghanistan ab. Seither durchlebte die Erinnerung an den Krieg eine rasante Verwandlung. Erst als moralische und politische Fehlentscheidung verurteilt, ist drei Jahrzehnte später eine Umdeutung der Intervention zu konstatieren, die auf Betreiben des Staates beruht.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/tschetschenien-geschichte-kadyrow-titijew\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Tschetschenien\",\"text\":\"

Das russische Föderationssubjekt Republik Tschetschenien liegt im Nordkaukasus, zwischen Inguschetien im Westen und Dagestan im Osten. Die islamisch geprägte Republik ist nach einer kurzen Zeit der Unabhängigkeit und zwei Kriegen Teil Russlands. Sie umfasst ein Territorium von 15.600 Quadratkilometern und ist damit etwa so groß wie Thüringen. Nach offiziellen Angaben leben rund 1,3 Millionen Menschen in Tschetschenien. Die Republik ist eine der ärmsten Regionen Russlands und eine mit den massivsten Verstößen gegen Menschenrechte. Als Oberhaupt der Republik ist seit 2007 Ramsan Kadyrow im Amt.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/memorial-druck-westen\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Warum der Schlag gegen Memorial ein Schlag gegen Deutschland ist\",\"text\":\"

Maxim Trudoljubow sieht im Vorgehen gegen Memorial eine asymmetrische Antwort auf Druck seitens des Westens.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/schulbuch-vereinheitlichung-geschichte-stalin\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Vom Versuch der „einheitlichen“ Geschichte\",\"text\":\"

In russischen Schulen soll eine einheitliche Version der Geschichte gelehrt werden. Was bedeutet das für komplexe und umstrittene Themen wie etwa die Zeit des Großen Terrors unter Stalin? Olga Filina hat den Praxistest gemacht.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/video-33-putin-zaehlt-ukrainer-und-belarussen-zur-grossen-russischen-nation\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Video #33: Putin zählt Ukrainer und Belarussen zur „großen russischen Nation“\",\"text\":\"

Russen, Belarussen und Ukrainer sind ein „dreieiniges Volk”. Das russische Imperium und die Sowjetunion leben im „Russki Mir” weiter. Und Frauen sollen bitte mindestens sieben Kinder gebären – das Wichtigste aus Putins Rede vor dem Weltkonzil des Russischen Volkes.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/russland-und-der-kolonialismus\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Russland und der Kolonialismus\",\"text\":\"

Kolonialimperien – das sind immer die anderen? Der russländische Staat hat seit dem 16. Jahrhundert sein Territorium bis auf das 22-Fache vergrößert. Von der Eroberung Sibiriens bis zur angeblichen „Brüderlichkeit der Sowjetvölker“ zeigt sich die Kontinuität des russischen Kolonialismus im heutigen Krieg gegen die Ukraine besonders deutlich. Wie sähe eine Dekolonialisierung Russlands aus?

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/russki-mir\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Russki Mir\",\"text\":\"

Das Konzept der Russischen Welt (russ. russki mir) wurde in den Jahren 2006/07 entwickelt und hat seitdem an Popularität gewonnen. War es zunächst eher ein kulturelles Konzept, das die soziale Bindungskraft russischer Sprache und Literatur betonte (es existiert eine gleichnamige kulturpolitische Stiftung), so dient es heute auch zur Legitimierung außenpolitischer Aktionen, die den Einfluss Russlands im postsowjetischen Raum stärken sollten. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/umfrage-ukraine-krieg-haltung\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"„Putins Siegeskult erinnert an Kriegskult in Nazi-Deutschland“\",\"text\":\"

Die Ukraine feiert in diesem Jahr keinen Tag des Sieges mehr am 9. Mai. Stattdessen begeht sie am 8. Mai einen Gedenktag für die Opfer des Zweiten Weltkriegs. Der Kyjiwer Soziologe Mychailo Mischtschenko erklärt im Gespräch mit Republic, wie sich die Haltung der Ukrainer gegenüber der sowjetischen Geschichte verändert hat und wie sie sich einen künftigen Sieg vorstellen.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/unabhaengigkeit-a-la-ukraine\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Unabhängigkeit à la Ukraine\",\"text\":\"

Ukrainerinnen und Ukrainer kämpfen und sterben für die Souveränität ihres Landes. Woher rührt dieses unbedingte Streben nach staatlicher Unabhängigkeit? Was feiert die Ukraine mit ihrem Nationalfeiertag am 24. August? Der Historiker Andrii Portnov skizziert in seiner Gnose die historische Entwicklung von Ideen und Praktiken einer eigenstaatlichen Ukraine.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/alexander-solschenizyn\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Alexander Solschenizyn\",\"text\":\"

Im Westen ist Alexander Solschenizyn (1918–2008) als einer der bedeutendsten Oppositionellen der Sowjetära bekannt. Solschenizyn selbst verbrachte acht Jahre seines Lebens in Straflagern und seine Werke über die Lagerhaft waren langjährige Bestseller in den 1960er und 1970er Jahren. 1974 wurde er aus der Sowjetunion ausgewiesen und lebte bis 1994 im Exil. Heute wird er aufgrund seiner moralischen und politischen Vorstellungen hauptsächlich in konservativen und christlichen Kreisen in Russland und im Westen gelesen und wurde im Zuge des Ukraine-Konflikts wieder populärer.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/kasachstan-ovks-tokajew-putin\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Russisch-kasachisches Win-win\",\"text\":\"

Während der landesweiten Proteste in Kasachstan Anfang des Jahres rief Präsident Tokajew OVKS-Truppen unter Führung Russlands zu Hilfe. Welches Interesse leitete Russland? Und welchen Preis musste Kasachstan letztlich für Russlands Unterstützung zahlen? Eine Analyse von Temur Umarow auf Carnegie.ru.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/atomdoktrin-eskalation-einschaetzung-naki\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Atomtests\",\"text\":\"

Russland hat seine Nukleardoktrin verschärft und eine Mittelstreckenrakete gegen die Ukraine eingesetzt. Alles nur Säbelrasseln?

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/warschauer-pakt\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Warschauer Pakt\",\"text\":\"

Als Warschauer Pakt (offiziell: Warschauer Vertrag) bezeichnete der Westen den militärischen Beistandspakt des sogenannten Ostblocks. Der erste Vertrag dazu wurde 1955 unterzeichnet, 1985 wurde er um 20 Jahre verlängert. Unter der Führung der Sowjetunion gehörten zeitweise bis zu sieben weitere Staaten zu den Unterzeichnern. 1991 lösten die Vertragsparteien den Beistandspakt auf. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/judin-gordejewa-ukraine-krieg-verantwortung\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"„Für Putin ist die Ukraine eine existenzielle Bedrohung“\",\"text\":\"

Warum Putin den Krieg als Selbstverteidigung sieht, die „Russische Welt“ eine leere Idee ist und wie es nun mit der Ukraine weitergeht: Der Soziologie Grigori Judin im Interview mit Katerina Gordejewa – Teil 2.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/wolhynien-massaker-1943-ukraine-polen\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Wolhynien-Massaker\",\"text\":\"

Am 4. Juni 2025 hat der Sejm, das polnische Parlament, den Wolhynien-Gedenktag am 11. Juli umbenannt. Aus „Nationaler Gedenktag der Opfer des Völkermords ukrainischer Nationalisten an Bürgern der Zweiten Polnischen Republik“ wird nun „Nationaler Gedenktag…

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/ukrainische-aufstandsarmee-upa\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Ukrainische Aufstandsarmee (UPA)\",\"text\":\"

Die Ukrainische Aufstandsarmee (UPA) war der militärische Arm der Organisation Ukrainischer Nationalisten (OUN), einer antikommunistischen und ethnonationalistischen Untergrundorganisation in der Westukraine. Die UPA wurde 1942 gegründet und existierte bis in die 1950er Jahre. Nach dem Krieg kämpfte sie weiter gegen die sowjetische Herrschaft.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/ogpu-nkwd-mgb\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"OGPU-NKWD-MGB\",\"text\":\"

OGPU ist die Abkürzung für Vereinigte Staatliche Politische Leitung, die Vorläuferorganisation des NKWD, sie wirkte zwischen 1923 und 1934. Der NKWD bestand in den Jahren 1934 bis 1946. Das MGB (Ministerium für Staatssicherheit) war von 1946 bis 1953 die Nachfolgeorganisation des NKWD.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/gute-russen-exil-diskurs\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"„Die guten Russen“\",\"text\":\"

„Sie sehen die Zukunft ihres Landes als liberale, demokratische Gesellschaft. Was ich NICHT SEHE. Auch nicht, wenn ich näher hinschaue, mir die Augen reibe, eine Brille aufsetze. ICH SEHE DAS NICHT.“ Der ukrainische Schriftsteller Boris Chersonski dämpft Hoffnungen auf die russländische Exil-Opposition und will sie doch nicht verteufeln. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/russland-opposition-exil-konflikte\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Gegen Putin, aber für wen?\",\"text\":\"

Verstreut in alle Welt und zerstritten untereinander – drei Jahre nach ihrer Flucht ins Exil und ein Jahr nach dem Tod von Alexej Nawalny gibt die russische Opposition ein bedauernswertes Bild ab. Ihre Anführer belagern einander in Grabenkämpfen und verlieren dabei zunehmend den Kontakt zum Volk. Meduza hat sich unter Aktivistinnen und Politikern umgehört.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/russische-kriegsverbrechen-ukraine-gerechtigkeit\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Ein Tribunal für Putin\",\"text\":\"

Der Internationale Strafgerichtshof in Den Haag hat Haftbefehle gegen eine Handvoll Vertreter der russischen Führung ausgestellt. Welche Hoffnung gibt es, dass die Kriegsverbrechen in der Ukraine je gesühnt werden?

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/zbigniew-brzezinski\",\"type\":\"blurb\",\"title\":\"Zbigniew Brzeziński\",\"text\":\"

Zbigniew Brzeziński (1928–2017) war ein US-amerikanischer Politikwissenschaftler sowie Politik- und Unternehmensberater polnischer Abstammung. In Kanada aufgewachsen, wurde er 1958 US-amerikanischer Staatsbürger. Akademisch beschäftigte sich Brzeziński vorrangig mit der Sowjetunion und lehrte an der Columbia University, in Harvard und an der Johns Hopkins University. Als außenpolitischer Berater arbeitete er für die US-Präsidenten Johnson, Carter, Reagan und Bush senior. Brzeziński zählte zu den prägenden Figuren des Kalten Krieges, er trat konsequent für eine globale Vormachtstellung der USA ein.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/joseph-brodsky-dichter-nobelpreis\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Joseph Brodsky\",\"text\":\"

Joseph Brodsky (1940–1996) war ein russischer und US-amerikanischer Dichter, Essayist, Dramaturg und Übersetzer. 1987 wurde er mit dem Nobelpreis für Literatur ausgezeichnet. 1964 wurde Brodsky wegen tunejadstwo (dt. etwa Müßiggang, Arbeitsscheu und Sozialschmarotzertum) zu fünf Jahren Zwangsarbeit verurteilt, wegen zahlreicher Aufrufe sowjetischer und internationaler Kulturschaffender wurde er jedoch nach rund anderthalb Jahren freigelassen. 1972 drängten die sowjetischen Behörden Brodsky, das Land zu verlassen. Er wurde ausgebürgert und emigrierte schließlich in die USA. Hier lehrte Brodsky an der University of Michigan und verfasste weitere Schriften, die ihm schon zu Lebzeiten den Ruf eines Klassikers einbrachten.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/nato-russland-beziehungen\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"NATO-Russland Beziehungen\",\"text\":\"

Die Beziehungen zwischen der NATO zu Russland standen von Anfang an unter keinem guten Stern. Der erste Generalsekretär der NATO, Hastings Ismay, brachte es in den 1950er Jahren auf die kurze Formel: „to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down“. Nach dem Zusammenbruch der kommunistischen Systeme in Osteuropa stand zeitweise jedoch sogar eine russische NATO-Mitgliedschaft im Raum. Die frühen 1990er Jahre waren von schwierigen Diskussionen geprägt, bei denen einerseits Beitrittswünsche osteuropäischer Staaten und andererseits russische Empfindlichkeiten berücksichtigt werden mussten. Letztlich setzte sich die Linie des amerikanischen Präsidenten Bill Clinton durch, der eine Osterweiterung der NATO befürwortete. Heute sind die Beziehungen zwischen der NATO und Russland stark angespannt. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"gnose/lenin-plombiert-zug-revolution\",\"type\":\"gnose\",\"title\":\"Lenins Fahrt in die Revolution\",\"text\":\"

Im April 1917 reiste der Führer der russischen Bolschewiki, Wladimir Lenin, gemeinsam mit weiteren Revolutionären in einem verschlossenen Waggon aus dem Schweizer Exil nach Russland. Aufgrund der Kriegssituation war er gezwungen, durch Deutschland zu fahren. Die deutsche Regierung ermöglichte die Rückkehr Lenins, weil sie darin eine Möglichkeit sah, die innenpolitische Situation in Russland weiter zu destabilisieren. Aufgrund der ungewöhnlichen Umstände der Reise wurde den Bolschewiki vorgeworfen, deutsche Agenten zu sein.

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