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How did Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea unfold? On 27 February 2014, Russian special forces, who were armed and wore no identifying insignia, occupied the parliamentary building in the capital city of Simferopol. The legitimate prime minister of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Anatolii Mohyliov, was removed from office and replaced by Sergey Aksyonov a […]

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Where is the basis for relations between Russia and NATO defined?  “Mutual relations, cooperation and security between NATO and the Russian Federation” are the subject-matter of the NATO–Russia Founding Act, which was signed in Paris on 27 May 1997 by the heads of states and governments of the NATO member countries, NATO Secretary General Javier Solana and Russian President Boris Yeltsin. It […]

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How do Putin & Co. use the terms “Russian World” and “historical Russia”?  The term Russkiy mir (Eng. Russian World) first began to crop up in the speeches of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev in the first decade of the 21st century. The concept had been developed earlier, although the Kremlin leaders first used it […]

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Mit dem Mythos, die Krym sei schon immer russisch gewesen, will Putins Russland seine Annexion der ukrainischen Halbinsel 2014 rechtfertigen. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo umreißt die historischen Entwicklungen, die Russlands Krym-Erzählung verschweigt.

\n","date":"2026-01-09T10:17:04","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":97629}]},"tags":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":101579},{"databaseId":98331},{"databaseId":98291},{"databaseId":101563},{"databaseId":101571},{"databaseId":98299},{"databaseId":98307},{"databaseId":98315}]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Ignaz Lozo"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Ignaz Lozo","authorDescription":"Dr. Ignaz Lozo, promovierter Osteuropahistoriker, war TV-Korrespondent in Moskau. 2024 erschien sein hochgelobtes Buch Gorbatschow – Der Weltveränderer, in welchem er auch die NATO-Osterweiterung und den Ukraine-Krieg beleuchtet. Von der Universität Mainz wurde er ausgezeichnet als Absolvent, der Herausragendes geleistet hat.","authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"title-centered","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"de/russland-propaganda-geschichte-narrative-dekodiert/krym","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-300x164.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-768x419.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-900x491.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-300x164.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-768x419.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-900x491.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":204603}]},{"title":"„Russland ist Zentrum der ‚russischen Welt‘ und hat ein Recht auf ‚historische Länder‘“","databaseId":194829,"excerpt":"

Das Konzept istoritscheskaja Rossija (dt: historisches Russland) ist im Westen wenig bekannt, gleichwohl hat es eine lange Begriffsgeschichte und wird von Putin und der Kremlpropaganda seit Jahren immer häufiger benutzt.

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Russia was using historical narratives to justify subjugation and aggression in its “near abroad” even before it annexed Crimea in 2014. History has also been conscripted as an aid-de-camp in Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine and confrontation with the West, with stories that keep finding audiences, both in- and outside of Russia, that are ready, even eager to believe.
\nIn the dekoder special Russia’s History Myths Unmasked, renowned authors decode these narratives of Russian (state) history with their intricate underpinnings, some extending back to the Middle Ages.

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Moscow describes “Ancient Rus” as the cradle of the “Russian people”, the origin of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation of the present day. In doing so, it is using well over a millennium’s worth of history to construct a narrative aimed at justifying the use of hybrid measures to influence other states and even a destructive war against neighbouring states. Historian Andrey Doronin takes a deep dive into the historical underpinnings of this Russian myth and explains how the understandings of the non-Russian Rus differ from the myth that Moscow tells.

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Russlands Mythos von der bedrohlichen NATO verschweigt, dass der Kreml selbst über Jahrzehnte an einer Annäherung zur NATO gearbeitet hat, zeitweise gar Mitglied werden wollte. So entstand 1997 die NATO-Russland-Grundakte, die offiziell bis heute gilt. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo skizziert ihre Entstehung und Bedeutung.

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Переписка журналиста Андрея Архангельского и историка Сергея Медведева — о паттернах российского исторического мышления.

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Andrei Arkhangelsky:  I thought we could start with personal thought patterns, the kind we are not even aware of or only become aware of as we grow older. The ones that demand that we do some hard work on ourselves.   We were both born in what was still the Soviet era – in its complacent years under Brezhnev (also known as the era of stagnation). This was in the late 1960s, early 1970s. What were those first ideas I had about my country and the […]

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Moskau beschreibt die Alte Rus als Wiege eines „russischen Volkes“, zu dem angeblich Russen, Belarussen und Ukrainer gehören. Damit nutzt es die jahrtausendealte Geschichte, die sich geografisch deutlich weiter westlich abspielte, und konstruiert ein Narrativ, das hybride Einflussnahme und sogar einen zerstörerischen Krieg gegen Nachbarstaaten rechtfertigen soll. Der Historiker Andrej Doronin geht dem russischen Mythos vom „einigen Volk“ auf den tiefen geschichtlichen Grund und erläutert, wie sich die Verständnisse der nicht-russländischen rus vom Moskauer Mythos unterscheiden.

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Вплоть до полномасштабной войны в Украине растущую зависимость от российского газа в Германии часто оправдывали тем, что Москва всегда была надежным поставщиком топлива по низким ценам. Игнорируя то, что подоплека действий Кремля из экономической давно стала политической. Когда это произошло и к каким привело последствиям?

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Dieser Beitrag ist ein Teil unseres Projekts „Russlands Geschichtsmythen entlarvt“. Mehr Narrative dekodieren Andrej Archangelski: Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen.  Wir sind beide noch in der Sowjetzeit geboren – […]

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Глава 1. Красный газ У каждой истории есть отправной пункт. У нашей он расположен там, где, кажется, ничего не напоминает о газе или международной торговле энергоносителями — в Лайцхалле. Это главный концертный зал Гамбурга — «вольного и ганзейского города», как он именуется официально. 6 июня 1967 года туда стекаются сотни людей. Парковка перед зданием — […]

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Andrej Archangelski:  Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen.   Sergej Medwedew:  Bei mir ist es ähnlich. Ich sehe mich noch als Dritt- oder Viertklässler, 1975/76, schon als Pionier: Ein Wintermorgen, […]

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dekoder feiert 10. Geburtstag! Schenk uns – und dir – weitere Jahre geballte dekoder-Energie!

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Bis zum Beginn des vollumfänglichen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, wurde die wachsende Abhängigkeit von russischem Gas in Deutschland häufig damit gerechtfertigt, Moskau habe doch stets zuverlässig geliefert. Ein Blick auf die Details zeigt ein anderes Bild.

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Eine Reise in die Zeit, als mehrere tausend Kilometer lange Pipelines gebaut wurden – und man noch glaubte, mit Gashandel Völker verbinden und diplomatische Spannungen überbrücken zu können.

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hallo ABC

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1. Wie die Illusion von Wahrheit erzeugt wird Gegen 5 Uhr morgens am 24. Februar 2022 beginnen die russischen Truppen einen großflächigen Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Die Invasion rückt rasch über vier Achsen voran: auf Kyjiw und Charkiw, auf den Donbass und auf den Süden der Ukraine aus Richtung der Halbinsel Krim. Gleichzeitig verübt Russland […]

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In ihrer Kurzgeschichte aus dem Jahr 2014 erkundet die belarussische Autorin Mariya Lappo die trügerischen Vorzüge eines Lebens in Abschottung. In unserem Literatur-Special präsentieren wir den Text erstmals auf Deutsch.

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Konzept, Design und Umsetzung: Alexandra HeidsiekRedaktion: Anton Himmelspach

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Большинство расхожих объяснений происхождения словосочетания «Белая Русь» не имеет под собой научной основы. Откуда оно взялось на самом деле и как стало именем государства, рассказывает беларуский историк Виктор Шадурский.

\n","date":"2024-11-29T12:27:06","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":295}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Виктор Шадурский","authorDescription":"Беларуский историк. В 1984 году окончил Белорусский государственный университет по специальности «история», защитил кандидатскую и докторскую диссертации. С сентября 2008 по март 2021 года работал деканом и профессором факультета международных отношений БГУ. В марте 2021 года из-за своей научной и гражданской позиции был уволен из университета. С апреля 2022 года совместно с профессором Университета имени Юстуса Либига (Гиссен, Германия) занимается научным проектом «Республика Беларусь: от парламентской демократии к авторитарному режиму (1990–1996)», финансово поддерживаемым Фондом Герды Хенкель (Германия). Автор более 200 научных публикаций.","authorImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/Shadurski-Victor-2023-01-06_15-53-02_sw-1.jpg"}},"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"ru/belarus-imya-istorija","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-768x512.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-900x600.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-768x512.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-900x600.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"ru"},"translations":[{"databaseId":118587}]},{"title":"Julja Piljulja (Danylowa) ","databaseId":161567,"excerpt":"

Geboren in Charkiw, aufgewachsen in Horliwka im Donbas. Als Kind schrieb Julja Danylowa Artikel für die Kinderzeitung Skrepka (dt. Büroklammer). 2014 musste sie mit 18 Jahren vor der russischen Invasion ihre Heimatregion verlassen. Sie zog nach Charkiw und machte dort 2018 ihren Abschluss an der Kulturakademie Charkiw.  Seitdem arbeitet sie hauptsächlich mit Drucken, Comics und […]

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Geboren 1975 im Ural, lebt seit 2010 in Charkiw (Ukraine).   Oleg Michajlow ist Autor und Dramaturg – ausgebildeter Schauspieler, arbeitete als Radiomoderator, schreibt seit 2005 Theaterstücke und ist bei Theaterfestivals in Kyjiw, Charkiw und Kramatorsk vertreten.  Seine Stücke werden in der Ukraine beispielsweise am Kyjiwer Akademischen Theater Soloti Worota (dt. Goldenes Tor), dem Charkiwer Staatlichen […]

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I Der Riese kam immer nachts. Wenn die Wintersonne unwillig aus dem kühlen Meer kroch und die Stadt erhellte, mussten ihre Einwohner feststellen, dass der Riese auch in dieser Nacht mehrere Häuser zerstört hatte. Die Einwohner liebten ihre Stadt sehr, darum war es kein Wunder, dass sie bitterlich weinten, wenn sie jeden Morgen wieder neue […]

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„Ein neues Märchen. Ich schreibe immer düsterer, also … ein Märchen über die Angst.“   Mit diesen Worten veröffentlichte der Charkiwer Dramaturg und Kinderbuchautor Oleg Michajlow im Dezember 2023 die Geschichte von dem Jungen Petja, der sich mit einem Plüsch-Hahn, einer Rennmaus und einem Hauskater anschickt, den bösen Riesen zu erlegen, der seine Familie und sein […]

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Ein Kapitel des deutschen Vernichtungsfeldzugs gegen die Sowjetunion, das oft übersehen wird, ist die Politik der „verbrannten Dörfer“ in Belarus. Die NS-Besatzer zerstörten im ganzen Land über 9.000 Dörfer – viele davon wurden für immer ausgelöscht.

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Die Slawistin Nina Weller über die Entstehung und Rezeption des Buches Feuerdörfer, das Literatur und Erinnerungskultur gleichermaßen veränderte.

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Das Buch Feuerdörfer von Ales Adamowitsch, Janka Bryl und Uladsimir Kalesnik ist über Generationen hinweg zu einem der prägendsten Werke der belarussischen Literatur geworden. Wir haben zeitgenössische Autorinnen, Schriftsteller und Lyrikerinnen aus Belarus gefragt, welche Bedeutung das Buch für sie hat.  

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Der Übersetzer Thomas Weiler hat das Buch Feuerdörfer, 50 Jahre nach der Erstveröffentlichung, erstmals aus dem Belarussischen ins Deutsche übertragen. Wir präsentieren einen Auszug aus seiner Übersetzung.

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Nach 50 Jahren erscheint Feuerdörfer erstmals auf Deutsch. Das Buch über die Wehrmachtsverbrechen in Belarus erschütterte die sowjetische Gesellschaft – ein Special, unter anderem mit der Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexijewitsch.

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Ein dekoder-Gesopräch mit der belarussischen Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexjiewitsch über das Buch Feuerdörfer, ihren Mentor Ales Adamowitsch und über das menschliche Leiden in der Literatur.

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Имя Кастуся Калиновского носит беларуский добровольческий полк, который сейчас воюет с российскими оккупантами в Украине. Им же была названа одна из советских партизанских бригад, сражавшихся против немецких захватчиков в годы Второй мировой войны. Кем был этот человек, ставший одним из главных героев беларуского исторического пантеона благодаря руководству восстанием 1863–1864 годов против Российской империи?

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Krieg gegen die Ukraine, Corona-Pandemie, internationaler Haftbefehl: Unsere Daten zeigen, wie sich die Auslandsreisen des russischen Präsidenten zwischen 2000 und 2024 verändert haben.

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Kastus Kalinouski war Anführer des Januaraufstands gegen das Zarenreich. Deswegen wird er als Kämpfer für die belarussische Unabhängigkeit verehrt, die Machthaber um Lukaschenko wollen ihn dagegen aus der Geschichte streichen. Viktor Schadurski über eine komplexe Figur im Zerrbild von Ideologie und Propaganda.

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Seit zwei Jahren reist der Fotograf Ludwig Nikulski immer wieder an die Grenzen der Ukraine. Mit seiner Kamera beobachtet er, wie der Krieg das Grenzland verändert, das diesen Krieg vom Rest Europas trennt.

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An einem bewölkten Augusttag 2016 taucht am Pirogowskaja Ufer in Sankt Petersburg ein Banner mit der Aufschrift „Ihr kreuzigt die Freiheit, doch die menschliche Seele kennt keine Fesseln“ auf. Ein Déjà Vu für Putin, falls er es gesehen hat: Vierzig Jahre zuvor hatte er als junger KGB-Offizier die Entfernung eben jener Inschrift veranlasst – damals […]

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Knete, Drucker, Kleidung – russischen Streetartists ist jedes Mittel recht, um ihre Botschaften zu verbreiten. Ihr Protest ist eindrücklich – und ungeahnt kreativ.

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Russische Streetart gegen den Krieg – Von Alleinkämpfern, einer transregionalen feministischen Bewegung und alltäglichen Widerstandspraktiken.

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Erinnerungen, Traumata, ein aufziehender Bürgerkrieg: Darum geht es in dem Roman Libido des belarussischen Schriftstellers Illja Sin, der 2018 erschien. Wir präsentieren Auszüge aus der ausgezeichneten Antiutopie.

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84 года назад завершилась советско-финляндская война. Поначалу полномасштабную агрессию России против Украины часто сравнивали именно с ней. Но эта война закончилась всего за три с лишним месяца.

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Почему протесты редко заканчиваются свержением авторитарного режима

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История украденной революции в Казахстане

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Ein Gespräch mit Friederike Meltendorf über journalistisches Übersetzen.

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На исходе второго года агрессии против Украины создается впечатление, что антивоенный протест в России сошел на нет

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Woher der Eindruck kommt, dass sich in Russland niemand gegen den Krieg einsetzt

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In Europa verkannt, in Belarus teilweise verboten: In unserem Special könnt ihr Kurzprosa und Geschichten von Autoren und Schriftstellerinnen klassischer und zeitgenössischer belarussischer Literatur entdecken – mit Illustrationen von Katsiaryna Dubovik.

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Mit der Kurzgeschichte Zuhause debütierte Michas Stralzou im Jahr 1957. In dieser setzt sich der belarussisch-sowjetische Schriftsteller mit den Auswirkungen der Landflucht auseinander, die nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in der Belarussischen Sowjetrepublik einsetzte.

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Die Erzählung Die Feldlerche von Zjotka stammt aus dem Jahr 1914. Sie ist von der Idee geprägt, dass man sie an einem kalten Winterabend mit der ganzen Familie lesen kann, und dabei nicht nur Belarus, sondern auch Natur und Dorfleben besser kennenlernt.

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Krieg, Repressionen, Flucht und Exil: Rückblick auf ein düsteres Jahr 2023 in Bildern und Texten aus Russland, Belarus und der Ukraine

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1. The illusion of truth In the early hours of 24 February 2022, Russian troops began a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, crossing the border and then heading at speed in the direction of Kyiv and Kharkiv, through Donbas and southern Ukraine towards Crimea, all the while launching missile strikes at targets across the country. News […]

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Viele Russinnen und Russen unterstützen den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Propaganda spielt dabei eine Schlüsselrolle. Wir haben mehr als drei Millionen Artikel der wichtigsten propagandistischen Nachrichtenagentur Russlands analysiert und daraus die Muster herausgelesen, nach denen Propaganda funktioniert.

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Как пропаганда заставила миллионы россиян поверить в то, что война — самый верный путь к миру. Дата-исследование «Новой газеты Европа» и декодера.

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В сети пропаганды В 1999 году BBC выпустила на восьми тогда еще VHS-кассетах проект на русском языке о том, как делать телевидение. В последней части Владимир Познер разговаривает с известными в то время тележурналистами о профессиональной этике – что нужно, а что нельзя рассказывать людям? Можно ли с благими намерениями скрывать значимую информацию? Обязательно ли […]

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Что россияне думаю о войне против Украины? Многое говорит о том, что россияне в большинстве своем не хотели этой войны. Тем не менее, опросы и социологические эксперименты показывают, что после начала вторжения как минимум половина населения поддерживает как Путина, так и действия российской армии. По опросам Левады-Центра начиная с февраля 2022 – от 68 до […]

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Wie funktioniert russische Propaganda? Welche Narrative werden verbreitet? Und wie schafft man damit hohe Zustimmungswerte für Putin und den Krieg gegen die Ukraine? Ergebnisse einer Daten-Recherche von dekoder, Novaya Gazeta Europe und Süddeutscher Zeitung.

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У сваім эсэ беларускі пісьменнік Адам Свіргул тлумачыць, наколькі адкрыцці Курапатаў сфармавалі яго пакаленне і чаму ён лічыць памяць аб злачынствах сталінскага тэрору ключом да будучыні Беларусі.

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In seinem Essay erzählt der belarussische Autor Adam Swirgul, wie sehr die Entdeckungen von Kurapaty seine Generation prägten und warum er das Gedenken an die dortigen Verbrechen des Stalinschen Terrors für einen Schlüssel zur Zukunft von Belarus hält.

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Was wissen wir zu den Verbrechen, die in Kurapaty begangen wurden, und was nicht? Der Historiker Igor Kusnetzow über den schwierigen Weg der historischen Wahrheitsfindung zu einem der zentralen Orte des Stalinschen Terrors in Belarus.

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Dieser Artikel zu den Massengräbern in Kurapaty aus dem Jahr 1988 veränderte die belarussische Geschichte und Gesellschaft. Wir bringen den Artikel in einer vollständigen Neuübersetzung von Tina Wünschmann aus dem Belarussischen.

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Kurapaty ist ein Wendepunkt in der jüngeren belarussischen Geschichte. Als die Entdeckung von Massengräbern am nordwestlichen Rand der belarussischen Hauptstadt Minsk im Jahr 1988 bekannt wurde, ging ein Aufschrei durch die Gesellschaft. Wie konnte es passieren, dass Zehntausende Belarussen unter Stalin ermordet wurden? Warum wurde so lange über das Thema geschwiegen?

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Kapitel 1. Das rote Gas Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat. Duis aute irure dolor in reprehenderit in voluptate velit esse cillum dolore eu fugiat […]

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Was muss passieren, damit Russland nicht noch einmal die Chance auf eine demokratische Entwicklung verspielt? Aus dem Gefängnis heraus hat Alexej Nawalny eine Debatte darüber angestoßen, welche Lehren aus den Fehlern der 1990er Jahre gezogen werden müssen. dekoder stellt die interessantesten Beiträge vor.

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Das totalitäre Erbe kann nur überwunden werden, wenn die Schuldigen benannt und zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden, schreibt Wladimir Kara-Mursa.

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Alexej Nawalny warnt davor, noch einmal demokratische Prinzipien zugunsten pragmatischer Lösungen aufzugeben.

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Es ist zu leicht, alle Schuld auf Putin und seine Beamten abzuwälzen: Auch die russische Gesellschaft muss sich unbequeme Fragen stellen, meint Maxim Trudoljubow auf Meduza.

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О проекте «Мы хотим быть свободными людьми», — под этим лозунгом 17 июня 1953 года больше миллиона жителей ГДР вышло на улицы в первом из серии выступлений против коммунистической диктатуры в Восточной Европе. Потребовалось больше трех десятилетий, чтобы после кровавого подавления восстания немцы и вместе с ними все восточные европейцы добились свободы. С этого момента […]

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Как Майдан подготовил украинское общество к борьбе против российской агрессии

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Mit dem Ende der Diktaturen in Osteuropa glaubten viele, das demokratische Zeitalter breche an. Die Autokratien wurden jedoch zahlreicher und repressiver, heute kämpfen Millionen für ihre Freiheit. Manche gewinnen, die anderen scheitern. Können Freiheitsbewegungen voneinander lernen?

\n","date":"2023-06-16T11:14:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":285},{"databaseId":39921}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"freedom-protest","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":360,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"freiheit-protest","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":"© Maxim Dondyuk","beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":85729}]},{"title":"Das Großfürstentum in den Wolken","databaseId":83881,"excerpt":"

Als Belarus mit dem Ende der Sowjetunion im Jahr 1991 die Unabhängigkeit erlangte, forcierte sich auch die Suche nach einer nationalen Identität und einer eigenen Geschichtsschreibung. Abseits sowjetischer Narrative und Doktrine. In dieser Zeit des Aufbruchs wurde das Großfürstentum Litauen sozusagen einer der Dreh- und Angelpunkte dieser Suche. In seinem Beitrag beschreibt der belarussische Philosoph Ihar Babkou die Rolle des Großfürstentums für die damaligen Hoffnungen und Sehnsüchte der Belarussen.

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Die Schlacht bei Orscha im Jahr 1514 ist eines der bedeutenden Ereignisse für das Großfürstentum Litauen. Ein Ereignis, das bis heute Fragen aufwirft und auch prägend für die nationale Identität der Belarussen ist. Hienadź Sahanovič, als Historiker einer der Experten für diese kriegerische Auseinandersetzung, erklärt die Hintergründe der Schlacht, ihre politischen Folgen und ihre Bedeutung für die Gegenwart.

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Polen und Belarus teilen eine über Jahrhunderte verbundene Geschichte. Vor allem durch die gemeinsame Zugehörigkeit zum Großfürstentum Litauen und zur polnisch-litauischen Adelsrepublik. Es ist eine Geschichte, die nicht immer unproblematisch war und sich seit 1991 mitunter auf die Beziehungen zwischen beiden Ländern auswirkt. Diese beleuchtet der polnische Politologe Kamil Kłysiński in seinem Beitrag.

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Die Litauer waren eine der ersten Nationen, die sich mit den belarussischen Protesten im Jahr 2020 solidarisierten. Als tausende Belarussen im Zuge der Repressionen aus ihrem Land flüchten mussten, nahm Litauen diese Flüchtlinge aus dem Nachbarland bereitwillig auf. Die gemeinsame Geschichte, die das baltische Land mit Belarus teilt, geht vor allem auf die Zeit des Großfürstentums zurück. Der Historiker und Politologe Andrzej Pukszto erörtert in seinem Beitrag die Herausforderungen dieser Vergangenheit für die litauisch-belarussischen Beziehungen.

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Ruthenisch? Schon mal gehört? Nein? Kein Problem. Michael Moser, Sprachwissenschaftler an der Universität Wien, erklärt die Ursprünge und Mysterien einer Sprache, die als Kanzleisprache des Großfürstentum Litauens zu Ruhm gelangte und die nicht selten zu einer Art „Alt-Belarusisch” vereinfacht wird.

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Das Großfürstentum Litauen war einer der größten Staaten der Erde. Er erstreckte sich von der Ostsee bis zum Schwarzen Meer. Die multikulturelle und in vielfacher Hinsicht grenzüberwindende Faszination dieses Herrschaftsgebietes hat auch die polnische Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Olga Tokarczuk zu ihrem opus magnum „Die Jakobsbücher“ inspiriert. 

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Как церковь, пострадавшая от советского авторитаризма, стала провозвестницей российского

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Es sollte eine rasche Militäroperation werden. Daraus wurde jedoch ein großflächiger, verlustreicher Abnutzungskrieg: Historiker Michael Jonas über den finnisch-sowjetischen Winterkrieg 1939/40.

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Die Kriegsfront hat sich auch in die Welt der Zeichen und Symbole verlagert – in Russland wie in der Ukraine. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger stellen Symbole, Zeichen und Begriffe der ukrainischen Subversion und Gegenwehr vor.

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Подробный разбор перевода — большая редкость в практике перевода журналистики. Анна Шибарова предприняла такую попытку и открывает в своем метатексте новые слои оригинала и перевода.

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Мем с кошечками завирусился в русскоязычном интернете. А можно перевести игру слов? Ирина Знаменская задала этот вопрос в фейсбуке. Саша Харитонский написал об этом пост, а Дженни Зейц перевела его на немецкий. Дополнение Александры Берлиной отвечает на вопрос: Что такое мемы?

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Что увидит переводчик, если заглянет сам себе через плечо? Какие вопросы он себе задаст? С кем поведет внутренний диалог? Хартмут Шрёдер прибегнул в процессе перевода к старому культурному приему, а именно к ведению дневника – и предоставил нам результат.

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Рут Альтенхофер изучает собственные переводы интервью для dekoder, обнажая свои приемы и цели: «Создать у читателей и читательниц dekoder, даже не понимающих по-русски, ощущение, что они присутствуют при разговоре»

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Что такое перевод журналистики? Где им занимаются? В большинстве СМИ переводят лишь изредка, отдельные материалы — а для dekoder это несущая идея, его насущный хлеб. И как же это устроено в реальности? И что об этом думают переводчики и переводчицы, редакторки и редакторы?

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Политкорректность не стала нормой в русском языке. Что же делать, если при переводе текста приходится об этом задумываться? Сделать вид, что проблемы нет? И тем самым, в сущности, отказать в переводе автору или его героям? Нет, это не выход, говорит Мария Райер, которая выступает за прозрачность и право голоса для всех.

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Какие сложности мы преодолеваем, переводя журналистские тексты? Какие из них связаны с конкретным текстом, а какие встречаются постоянно, меняя только образ/текст/текстуру? Хенриетте Рейснер предложила несколько тезисов, которые мы обсудили в нашей мастерской Neustart.

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Как задумывался этот спецпроект и что за ним стоит.

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между культурой, политикой и эстетикой

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Александра Берлина о звездочках, фигах в кармане и других формах протеста, а также о сложном вопросе: как переводить антивоенную символику?

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На что способны эссе? Как они устроены? На что нужно обращать внимание, чтобы они не проигрывали в переводе? Анья Шлоссбергер-Оберхаммер о переводе журналисткого жанра, столько важного для неспокойных времен именно тем, что он никого не пытается переубедить.

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Журналистские тексты меняются со временем и в зависимости от того, где, как и в каком контексте они публикуются. Репортажи «Новой газеты» здесь не исключение. Как эти изменения проявляются в переводе? Ирина Бондас отправляется в путешествие между текстами, временами и языками.

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How the special took shape and what lies behind it

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What does journalistic translation involve and where does it happen? Whereas most media outlets only occasionally have a piece translated, translation is fundamental to the entire concept of dekoder. How does something like that work? And what does it mean for translators and editors?

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The Russian language is not, in the narrower meaning of the term, politically correct. What does a translator do when faced with such aspects in a text? Pretend they aren’t there? And perhaps, by doing so, do an injustice to the authors and protagonists? That is certainly not the answer, says Maria Rajer, who calls for transparency and self-empowerment in translation work.

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What can essays do? How do they do it? And what has to be kept in mind when they are being translated to ensure that they will still be able to do it in the other language? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer on the translation of a journalistic form whose importance in times of turmoil lies in the fact that it does not seek to convince its readers of something.

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Ruth Altenhofer observed herself translating interviews for dekoder in order to figure out just what it is she is doing when she translates. And she concluded: “I make sure that dekoder readers who cannot understand Russian feel like they are sitting right there at the table during the conversation.” Here, she tells us how.

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The close-reading of a translation is not often done with journalistic translations. Together with her students, Anna Shibarova did just that – and her metatext opens up new layers of a text and its translation.

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It is thanks to translators that there are texts in languages and cultures that they did not originate in. So it is annoying when people behave as though translators don’t exist, as sometimes happens. But where can and should translators be visible? Larissa Schippel addresses the question from a translation theory perspective.

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If a translator looks over his own shoulder as he translates, what does he see? What does he ask himself? And with whom does he argue? Hartmut Schröder adopted a venerable cultural technique while working on a translation: journal-keeping. And then he let us have it.

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A cat meme goes viral on the Russian-language Internet. On Facebook, university lecturer Irina Znamenskaya asked – how can the language-based joke be translated? Sasha Kharitonski responded in a post which Zachary King translated into English. Alexandra Berlina’s addendum seeks to answer the question: What are memes, actually?

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Journalistic texts change over time and with the setting, manner and context in which they appear. Novaya Gazeta’s reportage is an example. How is this manifest during translation? Irina Bondas sets out on a path through texts, times and languages.

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What challenges do we encounter when translating journalistic texts – which of these are text-specific, and which crop up repeatedly, just in different garb. Henriette Reisner on topics discussed in our Neustart workshop.

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Alexandra Berlina on asterisks, figs in the pocket and other forms of protest, as well as the difficult question of how to translate signals and anti-war symbolism.

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Die 1990er Jahre waren revolutionär für die belarussische Musik: Eine Zeit der mutigen Experimente und die Geburtsstunde eines echten, gesunden belarussischen Showbusiness. Eine Hommage von Nasha Niva.

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Rebellion durch Sprache: In der Kultur der Rock- und Alternativmusik nimmt das Belarussische seit den 1980er Jahren eine bedeutende Stellung ein. Wir haben einige belarussische Kulturpersönlichkeiten befragt, wie sie zum Belarussischen gekommen sind und warum sie die Sprache für ihre Musik oder ihre Arbeit zu verwenden begannen.

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Aus dem digitalen Fotoarchiv der Musik-Zeitung, das mit dem Aufkommen erschwinglicher Digitalkameras um das Jahr 2000 seinen Anfang nahm, zeigen wir eine Auswahl an Fotos aus jener Zeit, in der die belarussische Rockmusik tonangebend und stilprägend war.

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Zs und Vs auf Autos, Panzern und öffentlichen Plätzen – der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine wird auch auf Ebene der Codes, Symbole und Zeichen geführt. Doch derer bedient sich nicht nur die russische Propaganda, sondern auch die Protestbewegung in Russland. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger mit einer Momentaufnahme dieser coded language und ausgewählten Beispielen – in Wort und Bild.

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Der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine ist auch ein Krieg der Symbole. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger zeigen ausgewählte Beispiele – in Wort und Bild.

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Journalistische Texte verändern sich über die Zeit und in Abhängigkeit davon, wo und wie und in welchem Kontext sie erscheinen. Die Reportagen der Novaya Gazeta sind ein Beispiel dafür Wie macht sich das beim Übersetzen bemerkbar? Irina Bondas begibt sich auf den Weg zwischen Texte, Zeiten und Sprachen.

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Was heißt journalistisches Übersetzen und wo findet es statt? Während in den meisten Medien oft nur einzelne Beiträge übersetzt werden, ist das Übersetzen bei dekoder ein tragender Teil des Konzepts. Wie funktioniert so etwas? Und was bedeutet das für Übersetzer:innen und Redakteur:innen?

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zwischen Kultur, Politik und Ästhetik

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Dank Übersetzern gibt es Texte in jeweils anderen Sprachen und Kulturen. Da ist es ärgerlich, wenn manche so tun, als gäbe es sie nicht. An welchen Stellen also können und sollten die Übersetzer:innen sichtbar werden? Das beleuchtet Larisa Schippel aus übersetzungswissenschaftlicher Perspektive.

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Welchen Herausforderungen begegnen wir beim Übersetzen journalistischer Texte – was davon ist spezifisch und was begegnet uns immer wieder, nur in unterschiedlichen Kleidern/Texten/in unterschiedlicher Textur? Henriette Reisner mit Thesen, die wir im Neustart-Workshop diskutierten.

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Alexandra Berlina über Sternchen, Hosentaschenfeigen und andere Protestformen sowie die schwierige Frage: Wie übersetzt man Zeichen und Antikriegssymbolik?

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Ein Kätzchen-Meme geht viral im russischsprachigen Internet. Wie kann man den Sprachwitz übersetzen?, fragte die Dozentin Irina Snamenskaja auf Facebook. In einem Post hat sich Sascha Charitonski dazu Gedanken gemacht, Jennie Seitz hat ihn ins Deutsche übersetzt. Alexandra Berlina fragt im Nachtrag: Was sind eigentlich Memes?

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Ruth Altenhofer beobachtet ihre eigenen Interview-Übersetzungen für dekoder und kommt dabei ihrem Tun auf die Schliche: „Ich sorge dafür, dass dekoder-LeserInnen, die kein Russisch verstehen, das Gefühl haben, mit am Tisch zu sitzen.“ Hier beschreibt sie, wie sie das macht.

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Wenn ein Übersetzer sich selbst über die Schulter und auf die Finger schaut, was sieht er da? Welche Fragen stellt er sich? Und mit wem diskutiert er? Hartmut Schröder hat während einer Übersetzung zu einer alten Kulturtechnik gegriffen, nämlich Tagebuch geschrieben – und es uns überlassen.

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Close-Reading einer Übersetzung – das kommt im journalistischen Übersetzen nicht oft vor. Anna Shibarowa tat es und eröffnet durch ihren Metatext neue Schichten eines Textes und seiner Übersetzung.

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Was können Essays? Und wie machen sie das? Und was muss man beim Übersetzen beachten, damit sie es in der anderen Sprache auch noch tun? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer über das Übersetzen einer journalistischen Form, die in unruhigen Zeiten wichtig ist, weil sie nicht überzeugen will.

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Politisch korrekt im engeren Sinne ist die russische Sprache nicht. Was macht eine Übersetzerin, die mit solchen Aspekten im Text konfrontiert ist? So tun, als wäre nichts? Und damit Autoren und Protagonisten womöglich nicht gerecht werden? Das ist bestimmt keine Lösung, so Maria Rajer, die für Transparenz und Selbstermächtigung beim Übersetzen plädiert.

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Wie das Special entstanden ist und was dahinter steckt.

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Russlands Präsident Wladimir Putin eskaliert den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. In den russisch besetzten Teilen der Ukraine sind vermeintliche „Referenden“ über einen Beitritt zu Russland angekündigt. Warum das keine echten Referenden sind und inwiefern das Vorgehen Teil der russischen Kriegsführung ist – das erklären die Wissenschaftlerinnen Cindy Wittke und Gwendolyn Sasse.

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Das Kernkraftwerk Saporishshja – das leistungsstärkste AKW in Europa – liegt im Kriegsgebiet in der Ukraine. Es ist von der russischen Armee besetzt, so etwas hat es bisher nicht gegeben. Wie groß ist die Gefahr für einen Reaktorunfall? Kann es ein zweites Tschernobyl geben?

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Беларуская міфалогія

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беларуская мифология

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Seit dem 24. Februar 2022 führt Russland einen offenen Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine. Wie rechtfertigt Putin diesen Krieg? Wie leistet die Ukraine Widerstand? Und wo liegen die Chancen der Diplomatie? Dazu schreiben Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler in unserem FAQ

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«Украина переживет эту войну, как пережила Голодомор, массовые депортации крестьян и гонения на украинских диссидентов. Украина переживет и выстоит». Украинский писатель Андрей Курков рассказывает о Дне Независимости своей страны — ровно через полгода после начала полномасштабного вторжения России в Украину.

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Am 24. August feiert die Ukraine traditionell ihre Unabhängigkeit, auf die es Russland nicht erst mit dem vor sechs Monaten losgetretenen Angriffskrieg abgesehen hat. Was bedeutet der Krieg für das Unabhängigkeitsgefühl der Ukrainer? Und wie blicken die den Ukrainern verbundenen Belarussen auf den Feiertag? Darüber schreiben die beiden Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow und Alhierd Bacharevič.

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Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, bei dem auch Belarus eine unheilvolle Rolle spielt, sieht sich der Schriftsteller und Lyriker Alhierd Bacharevič einer schmerzhaften Zerrissenheit ausgeliefert.

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„Die Ukraine wird diesen Krieg überleben.” Davon ist der ukrainische Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow überzeugt. Seit Beginn der großen russischen Invasion vor einem halben Jahr beschäftigt er sich nicht mehr mit der Fiktion seiner Romane, sondern damit, der Welt die Geschichte und Kultur seines Landes näherzubringen.

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Im Krieg gegen die Ukraine steht der belarussische Machthaber Alexander Lukaschenko an der Seite des russischen Präsidenten Putin. Doch bislang sind keine seiner Truppen beteiligt. Warum hilft er Putin? Was hat er zu gewinnen, was zu verlieren? Und was bedeutet das für seinen eigenen Machterhalt?

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Das war der Stand nach drei Monaten Krieg: Wie lief der Krieg bis dato ab? Wie leistet die ukrainische Armee Widerstand? Und wie groß ist die Gefahr einer atomaren Eskalation?

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Kurz nach dem Angriff auf die Hauptstadt Kiew bot der ukrainische Präsident Selensky eine Neutralität seines Landes an – allerdings geknüpft an Bedingungen.
\nWas kann eine neutrale Ukraine denn theoretisch überhaupt heißen? Und wäre das so eine einfache Lösung, wie es klingt?

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Die Hoffnung lag von Beginn an auf der Diplomatie. Doch wie sind die Chancen auf einen möglichen Waffenstillstand? Kann nicht doch die UNO helfen? Warum ist es so schwierig, mit Putin an den Verhandlungstisch zu gehen?

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Wie hat Wladimir Putin den Angriff auf Kiew und die großflächige Invasion am 24. Februar 2022 begonnen? Und mit welchen Propaganda-Formeln versucht er, ihn legitim erscheinen zu lassen?

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Vorgehen gegen „ausländische Agenten“ in Medien und Zivilgesellschaft, Memorial International aufgelöst, Alexej Nawalny im Straflager … 2021 – ein Jahr des Shifts in Russland.

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У Беларусі святкуюць каталіцкае і праваслаўнае Раство, знітаваны з савецкім мінулым Новы год і – Каляды. У гэтай кароткай гнозе мы тлумачым, што гэта за старажытная традыцыя і адкуль яна паходзіць.

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In Belarus wird das katholische und orthodoxe Weihnachten gefeiert, dazu das aus der Sowjetunion stammende Neujahr und: Kaljady. In dieser kurzen Gnose erklären wir, was es mit diesem archaischen Weihnachtsfest auf sich hat und woher es stammt.

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Жыла сабе адна краіна. Жыла як усе — то добра, то ня вельмі. Жыхары ейныя былі працавітыя ды руплівыя — сеялі, жалі, будавалі, пісалі кнігі, сьпявалі песьні, нараджалі дзяцей. Адно было ў гэтай краіне ня так, як ва ўсіх — ня мела яна караля. Ну, ня мела й ня мела. Зьбіралася двойчы на год рада […]

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Russlands Mythos von der bedrohlichen NATO verschweigt, dass der Kreml selbst über Jahrzehnte an einer Annäherung zur NATO gearbeitet hat, zeitweise gar Mitglied werden wollte. So entstand 1997 die NATO-Russland-Grundakte, die offiziell bis heute gilt. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo skizziert ihre Entstehung und Bedeutung.

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Quelle: W. Putin auf dem Sankt Petersburger Internationalen Wirtschaftsforum (2. Juni 2017)

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Ziel: Feindbild von NATO-Westen-USA festigen

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Seit seiner aufsehenerregenden Rede auf der Münchener Sicherheitskonferenz 2007 beschreibt Wladimir Putin sein Russland immer wieder als friedliebendes Opfer der NATO bzw. in seiner Auslegung: der übermächtigen USA. So auch zehn Jahre später wieder auf dem Petersburger Internationalen Wirtschaftsforum 2017, wo er ausführt: „Die NATO wurde als Instrument des Kalten Krieges im Kampf gegen die Sowjetunion und den Warschauer Pakt gegründet. Heute gibt es weder den Warschauer Pakt noch die Sowjetunion, aber die NATO existiert weiterhin. Da stellt sich die Frage: Wozu? Es gibt nur eine Antwort: Sie ist ein Instrument der US-Außenpolitik.“ Und deren Hauptaufgabe sei die militärische Bedrohung Russlands: durch Bündnis-Aufnahme souveräner Nachbarstaaten (auch wenn die bis 1991 womöglich zur Sowjetunion oder deren Warschauer Pakt gehört haben), durch Training und Aufbau neuer Militärbasen in den jungen Staaten Osteuropas.

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Im November 2021 erklärt Putin auf einer erweiterten Sitzung des Kollegiums von Russlands Außenministerium: „Man muss sich die mehreren Erweiterungswellen ansehen, und nun schauen wir mal, wo sich die militärische Infrastruktur des NATO-Blocks befindet – direkt in der Nähe unserer Grenzen (…) Dennoch zeigen unsere jüngsten Warnungen Wirkung und haben einen gewissen Effekt: Es ist dort doch zu einer gewissen Spannung gekommen. (…) Es ist notwendig, dass dieser Zustand bei ihnen so lange wie möglich anhält, damit sie nicht auf die Idee kommen, an unseren westlichen Grenzen einen für uns unnötigen Konflikt zu provozieren, denn wir brauchen keine Konflikte.“

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Einen Monat später folgt ein Ultimatum an die USA. Wiederum zwei Monate später überfällt Russland die Ukraine mit Panzerkolonnen und Luftangriffen. Dieser vollumfängliche Angriffskrieg dauert bis heute – ein Krieg, der laut Putin und der russländischen Erzählung, Russland vor den USA beschützen soll.

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Dabei übergeht dieser Mythos vom friedliebenden Russland, das unverschuldet in die Fänge des ach so erbarmungslosen Militarisierungsmonsters USA geraten sei, die Tatsache, dass Russland über Jahrzehnte selbst an einer Annäherung zur NATO gearbeitet hat, zeitweise selbst Mitglied werden wollte. Herzstück dieser Annäherungen wurde 1997 die NATO-Russland-Grundakte – eine Voraussetzung für diplomatische Vertretungen, gemeinsame Gremien und Informationskanäle.

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Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo skizziert Entstehung und Bedeutung der NATO-Russland-Grundakte, die offiziell noch heute Gültigkeit besitzen könnte.

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KI-Hinweis: Die Illustration hat dekoder mit Google Gemini erstellt.

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Wo sind die Beziehungen zwischen Russland und NATO festgeschrieben?

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Die „gegenseitigen Beziehungen, Zusammenarbeit und Sicherheit zwischen NATO und der Russischen Föderation“ sind Gegenstand der NATO-Russland-Grundakte. Sie wurde am 27. Mai 1997 in Paris von den damaligen Staats- und Regierungschefs der NATO-Mitgliedsländer, NATO-Generalsekretär Javier Solana sowie dem russischen Präsidenten Boris Jelzin unterzeichnet. Es handelt sich um eine völkerrechtliche Absichtserklärung.

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Trotz der Besetzung der Krym 2014 und des flächendeckenden russischen Angriffskrieges 2022 gegen die Ukraine ist sie weder vom Westen noch von Russland formal aufgekündigt worden, jedoch wurden die gemeinsamen Sitzungen nach der Invasion eingestellt und die Kontakte eingefroren (Stand: November 2025).

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1997 sagte der damalige Bundeskanzler Helmut Kohl nach der Unterzeichnung: „Über Jahrzehnte war unser Kontinent geteilt. Heute einigen sich die Staaten des atlantischen Bündnisses und Russland auf eine Zusammenarbeit. Die, und es ist so wahr, wenn ich das ausspreche, in der Geschichte ohne Beispiel ist.“1

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Wie entstand die NATO-Russland-Grundakte?

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Der Anlass für die Grundakte war, dass einige Staaten, die früher dem Warschauer Pakt angehört hatten (Polen, Tschechoslowakei (später Tschechien und Slowakei), Ungarn), in die NATO drängten – ebenso die ehemaligen Sowjetrepubliken Estland, Lettland und Litauen, die 1940 okkupiert und zwangsweise in die Sowjetunion eingegliedert worden waren.

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Wolfgang Ischinger, 1997 Leiter der politischen Abteilung im Auswärtigen Amt und von 2008 bis 2022 Leiter der Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz, erinnert sich, dass Bundeskanzler Kohl auf die Befindlichkeiten der russischen Führung enorm Rücksicht nahm: „Da sagte Kohl: Halt, Achtung, das muss ich erst mal selber mit Boris Jelzin besprechen. Und Kohl kam dann zurück und sagte: Na ja, also glücklich sind die natürlich nicht über die Idee der NATO-Erweiterung. Aber sie werden das akzeptieren, wenn das einhergeht mit einer parallelen Transformation der Beziehungen zwischen der NATO und Russland. Daraus haben wir dann im Auswärtigen Amt eine sogenannte Zwei-Säulen-Strategie gestrickt. Wir dachten, die eine Säule ist die Einladung an neue Mitglieder. Und die andere Säule ist die Veränderung, Vertiefung, Reform des Verhältnisses NATO-Russland.“2

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Mit der Unterzeichnung der NATO-Russland-Grundakte bekräftigte die russische Führung auch das Prinzip der freien Wahl eines Staates hinsichtlich der Mitgliedschaft in einem militärischen Bündnis, ebenso die Unverletzlichkeit der Grenzen. Wörtlich heißt es in der Akte3: „Im Einklang mit der Arbeit der OSZE an einem gemeinsamen und umfassenden Sicherheitsmodell für Europa im 21. Jahrhundert (…) werden die NATO und Russland eine möglichst umfassende Zusammenarbeit unter den Teilnehmerstaaten der OSZE mit dem Ziel anstreben, in Europa einen gemeinsamen Sicherheits- und Stabilitätsraum ohne Trennlinien oder Einflusssphären zu schaffen, die die Souveränität irgendeines Staates einschränken.“

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Mit der Unterzeichnung der NATO-Russland-Grundakte bekräftigte die russische Führung auch das Prinzip der freien Wahl eines Staates hinsichtlich der Mitgliedschaft in einem militärischen Bündnis, ebenso die Unverletzlichkeit der Grenzen.

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Beide Seiten vereinbarten die Einrichtung eines Ständigen Gemeinsamen Rates. Dieser, so der Text der Grundakte4, „tagt (…) zweimal jährlich auf der Ebene der Außenminister und auf der Ebene der Verteidigungsminister sowie monatlich auf der Ebene der Botschafter/Ständigen Vertreter beim Nordatlantikrat. Der Ständige Gemeinsame Rat kann, wenn angebracht, auch auf der Ebene der Staats- und Regierungschefs tagen (…) Auch militärische Vertreter und Stabschefs tagen im Rahmen des Ständigen Gemeinsamen Rates; Sitzungen der Stabschefs finden mindestens zweimal jährlich statt, und die militärischen Vertreter tagen ebenfalls monatlich.“

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Der Ständige Gemeinsame Rat wurde weiterentwickelt und ist nicht zu verwechseln mit dem im Mai 2002 in Rom gegründeten NATO-Russland-Rat. Das Dokument, mit dem der NATO-Russland-Rat gegründet wurde, unterzeichnete auf russischer Seite Präsident Wladimir Putin.

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Zwei Jahre nach der Etablierung der NATO-Russland-Grundakte kam es 1999 zur ersten Erweiterungsrunde des westlichen Verteidigungsbündnisses: Tschechien, Polen und Ungarn wurden neue NATO-Mitglieder.

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Wie kamen die NATO-Moskau-Beziehungen von der Entspannung zur Institutionalisierung?

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Wie sehr die politische Entspannung nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges 1989/1990 fortgeschritten und das Verhältnis gefestigt war, zeigte auch die Eröffnung eines NATO-Informationsbüros in Moskau im Februar 2001, als der damalige NATO-Generalsekretär George Robertson von Präsident Putin empfangen wurde. Vorübergehende Differenzen zwischen Moskau und dem Westen legten beide Seiten auf diplomatischer Ebene bei, so beispielsweise nach dem militärischen Vorgehen der NATO 1999 gegen das Belgrader Regime von Slobodan Milošević, der die albanische Bevölkerungsmehrheit im Kosovo mit Massakern, Terror und Militär brutal unterdrückte.

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Doch erst mit der NATO-Russland-Grundakte und dem installierten Ständigen Gemeinsamen Rat wurden 1997 die Beziehungen auf ein neues Niveau der Kooperation und der Konsultation gehoben, die nun institutionalisiert waren.

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In der NATO-Russland-Grundakte hatten beide Seiten bezüglich der Organisation der Zusammenarbeit unter anderem vereinbart: „Russland wird eine Vertretung bei der NATO einrichten, die von einem Vertreter im Botschafterrang geleitet wird. Der Vertretung wird für die Zwecke der militärischen Zusammenarbeit ein hochrangiger militärischer Vertreter nebst Stab angegliedert. Die NATO behält sich die Möglichkeit vor, eine angemessene Präsenz in Moskau zu schaffen, deren Modalitäten noch festzulegen sind.“5 Am 18. März 1998 eröffnete die Russische Föderation offiziell ihre diplomatische Vertretung bei der NATO. In der Regel war dieser Vertreter gleichzeitig Russlands Botschafter in Belgien.

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In diesem Kontext ist für die historische Einordnung von besonderer Relevanz, dass 1997 nicht das Schlüsseljahr war für die neue Entspannung zwischen Moskau und der NATO. Es war die Politik von Michail Gorbatschow, Kreml-Chef von 1985 bis 1991, die den Weg von der Konfrontation hin zur Kooperation bereitete. Diese Politik wurde von Boris Jelzin fortgeführt, ebenso von Putin in der ersten Dekade des 21. Jahrhunderts.

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In der Ära Gorbatschow wurde am 24. Juli 1990 Nikolai Afanasjewskij der erste ständige sowjetische Vertreter bei der NATO. Nach dem Zerfall der Sowjetunion behielt er das Vertreter-Amt, nun für die Russische Föderation. In der Ära Jelzin unterzeichneten die NATO und Russland am 27. Januar 1994 in Moskau ein Programm für militärische Kooperation und gemeinsame Ausbildungsmaßnahmen.

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Nach dem 11. September 2001 unterstützte Russland die USA im „Krieg gegen den Terror“. Sogar ein Beitritt Russlands zur NATO stand kurzzeitig zur Diskussion. Seit 2007 wachsen die Spannungen zwischen Moskau und der NATO wieder an.

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Doch wie bereits erwähnt:

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Beide Seiten haben die NATO-Russland-Grundakte bis heute nicht formal aufgekündigt.

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Diesen Beitrag veröffentlichen wir in Kooperation mit der Deutschen Sektion der Deutsch-Russischen Geschichtskommission und dem BKGE Oldenburg. 

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\nDieser Beitrag ist ein Teil unseres Projekts „Russlands Geschichtsmythen entlarvt“.

\nMehr Narrative dekodieren\n
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  1. Gesine Dornblüth und Thomas Franke (26.05.2022): Die NATO-Russland-Grundakte.Aus einer sicheren Zeit. Radio-Bericht, Deutschlandfunk. URL: https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/NATO-russland-grundakte-100.html  ↩︎
  2. Gesine Dornblüth und Thomas Franke (26.05.2022): Die NATO-Russland-Grundakte.Aus einer sicheren Zeit. Radio-Bericht, Deutschlandfunk. URL: https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/NATO-russland-grundakte-100.html  ↩︎
  3. Grundakte über gegenseitige Beziehungen, Zusammenarbeit und Sicherheit zwischen der Nordatlantikvertrags- Organisation und der Russischen Föderation (3. Juni 1997). URL: https://www.bundesregierung.de/breg-de/suche/grundakte-ueber-gegenseitige-beziehungen-zusammenarbeit-und-sicherheit-zwischen-der-nordatlantikvertrags-organisation-und-der-russischen-foederation-1–803640  ↩︎
  4. Grundakte über gegenseitige Beziehungen, Zusammenarbeit und Sicherheit zwischen der Nordatlantikvertrags- Organisation und der Russischen Föderation (3. Juni 1997). URL: https://www.bundesregierung.de/breg-de/suche/grundakte-ueber-gegenseitige-beziehungen-zusammenarbeit-und-sicherheit-zwischen-der-nordatlantikvertrags-organisation-und-der-russischen-foederation-1–803640  ↩︎
  5. Grundakte über gegenseitige Beziehungen, Zusammenarbeit und Sicherheit zwischen der Nordatlantikvertrags- Organisation und der Russischen Föderation (3. Juni 1997). URL: https://www.bundesregierung.de/breg-de/suche/grundakte-ueber-gegenseitige-beziehungen-zusammenarbeit-und-sicherheit-zwischen-der-nordatlantikvertrags-organisation-und-der-russischen-foederation-1–803640  ↩︎
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In seiner Rede auf der Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz im Jahr 2007 betonte Putin Russlands Anspruch auf internationale Geltung. Er warf den USA vor, eine moralisch nicht gerechtfertigte, unipolare Weltordnung durchzusetzen. Zudem kritisierte er Versuche, Russland von außen demokratisieren zu wollen. Einige Beobachter betrachten die Rede als Wende in der russischen Außenpolitik.

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/infografik-feind-freund-usa-deutschland/\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Infografik: Wer ist Freund, wer Feind?\",\"text\":\"

Alle politischen Handlungen und Motive lassen sich auf die Unterscheidung von Freund und Feind zurückführen, so schrieb es 1927 Carl Schmitt. Viele russische Politikwissenschaftler meinen, dass man den deutschen Philosophen lesen müsse, um die russische…

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/putin-imperialismus-geschichte-ziele/\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"„Putin will das Imperium wiedererrichten – das steht außer Frage“\",\"text\":\"

Die russische Historikerin Tamara Eidelman im Gespräch mit der Novaya Gazeta Europe über die Geschichte des russischen Imperiums, darüber, was das mit dem Krieg gegen die Ukraine zu tun hat und für wie stabil sie die inneren Verhältnisse Russlands hält. 

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Der Leiter des Moskauer Carnegie-Zentrums Dimitri Trenin spricht im Interview über die Beziehungen zwischen Russland und den USA, und darüber, was wohl geschehen wäre, wäre Russland einst Mitglied der NATO geworden. (Archiv-Text)

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Die Beziehungen zwischen der NATO zu Russland standen von Anfang an unter keinem guten Stern. Der erste Generalsekretär der NATO, Hastings Ismay, brachte es in den 1950er Jahren auf die kurze Formel: „to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down“. Nach dem Zusammenbruch der kommunistischen Systeme in Osteuropa stand zeitweise jedoch sogar eine russische NATO-Mitgliedschaft im Raum. Die frühen 1990er Jahre waren von schwierigen Diskussionen geprägt, bei denen einerseits Beitrittswünsche osteuropäischer Staaten und andererseits russische Empfindlichkeiten berücksichtigt werden mussten. Letztlich setzte sich die Linie des amerikanischen Präsidenten Bill Clinton durch, der eine Osterweiterung der NATO befürwortete. Heute sind die Beziehungen zwischen der NATO und Russland stark angespannt. 

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Boris Jelzin (1931–2007) war der erste demokratisch gewählte Präsident Russlands. Er regierte von 1991 bis 1999, seine Amtszeit war durch tiefgreifende politische und ökonomische Krisen geprägt. Jelzin setzte massive Reformen in Gang: unter anderem ein Programm zur Privatisierung von Staatseigentum und ein folgenschweres Programm zur Umgestaltung der politischen Kultur. Letzteres bezeichnen viele Wissenschaftler als „Entsowjetisierungs-Programm”.

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Als Krym-Annexion wird die einseitige Eingliederung der sich über die gleichnamige Halbinsel erstreckenden ukrainischen Gebietskörperschaft der Autonomen Republik Krym in die Russische Föderation bezeichnet. Seit der im Frühjahr 2014 erfolgten Annexion der Krym ist die Halbinsel de facto Teil Russlands, de jure jedoch ukrainisches Staatsgebiet und somit Gegenstand eines ungelösten Konfliktes zwischen der Ukraine und Russland.

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Als Warschauer Pakt (offiziell: Warschauer Vertrag) bezeichnete der Westen den militärischen Beistandspakt des sogenannten Ostblocks. Der erste Vertrag dazu wurde 1955 unterzeichnet, 1985 wurde er um 20 Jahre verlängert. Unter der Führung der Sowjetunion gehörten zeitweise bis zu sieben weitere Staaten zu den Unterzeichnern. 1991 lösten die Vertragsparteien den Beistandspakt auf. 

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Gespräche zwischen den USA, der NATO und Russland sind ergebnisoffen zu Ende gegangen. Die Diplomatie am Krisentisch – für Iwan Dawydow nicht so interessant wie das, was von russischer Seite öffentlich verlautbart wurde. Eine bissige Kolumne auf Republic über Sprache und Volks-Klischees.

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Insgesamt gab es drei Runden der NATO-Osterweiterung: 1999 traten Tschechien, Polen und Ungarn bei. 2004 wurden Estland, Lettland, Litauen, Bulgarien, Rumänien, die Slowakei und Slowenien aufgenommen. Im Jahr 2009 wurde der Beitritt Kroatiens und Albaniens vollzogen. Russland sieht in diesen Beitritten eine Verletzung von Abmachungen. Die USA und die NATO betrachten die Erweiterungsrunden im Einklang mit der NATO-Russland-Grundakte – einer völkerrechtlichen Absichtserklärung, die vor allem die Zusammenarbeit in Sicherheitsfragen regelt.

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Michail Gorbatschow (1931–2022) gilt in Russland heute oft als „Totengräber der Sowjetunion“. Die Gründe, warum er im eigenen Land derartig ungeliebt ist, lassen sich drei Bereichen zuordnen: Erstens hängt dies unmittelbar mit Gorbatschows politischem Handeln in seiner Regierungszeit zusammen, zweitens lässt sich die Kritik an ihm auf ein sehr lückenhaftes historisches Gedächtnis der russischen Bevölkerung zurückführen und drittens haben die auf ihn folgenden Regierungen seine Reformen gezielt dämonisiert, um mit dieser Abgrenzung den eigenen politischen Kurs zu legitimieren. 

\\n\",\"loaded\":true},{\"alias\":\"article/was-hat-moskau-im-angebot\",\"type\":\"posts\",\"title\":\"Was hat Moskau im Angebot?\",\"text\":\"

Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz: Vor neun Jahren hatte Putin der Partnerschaft mit dem Westen eine unmissverständliche Absage erteilt. Wie wird Russland sich Mitte Februar positionieren?

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