{"componentChunkName":"component---plugins-gatsby-source-dek-wp-pages-index-js","path":"/de/propaganda/im-netz-der-propaganda/","result":{"data":{"site":{"siteMetadata":{"title":"dekoder-Specials","siteUrl":"https://specials.dekoder.org","metaInfos":[{"title":"dekoder-Specials","description":"„Eine Spielwiese für Netzformate“ – unsere dekoder-Specials","langId":"de","defaultSocialImg":"https://specials.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2020/02/specials_social1.png"},{"title":"dekoder Specials","description":"","langId":"en","defaultSocialImg":"https://specials.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2020/02/specials_social1.png"},{"title":"Спецпроекты dekoder.org","description":"","langId":"ru","defaultSocialImg":"https://specials.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2020/02/specials_social1.png"},{"title":"Спецпроекти dekoder.org","description":"","langId":"uk","defaultSocialImg":"https://specials.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2020/02/specials_social1.png"},{"title":"Спецпраекты dekoder.org","description":"","langId":"be","defaultSocialImg":"https://specials.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2020/02/specials_social1.png"}]}},"allWpPost":{"nodes":[{"title":"„Crimea is a part of Russia“","databaseId":204603,"excerpt":"

How did Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea unfold? On 27 February 2014, Russian special forces, who were armed and wore no identifying insignia, occupied the parliamentary building in the capital city of Simferopol. The legitimate prime minister of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Anatolii Mohyliov, was removed from office and replaced by Sergey Aksyonov a […]

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Where is the basis for relations between Russia and NATO defined?  “Mutual relations, cooperation and security between NATO and the Russian Federation” are the subject-matter of the NATO–Russia Founding Act, which was signed in Paris on 27 May 1997 by the heads of states and governments of the NATO member countries, NATO Secretary General Javier Solana and Russian President Boris Yeltsin. It […]

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How do Putin & Co. use the terms “Russian World” and “historical Russia”?  The term Russkiy mir (Eng. Russian World) first began to crop up in the speeches of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev in the first decade of the 21st century. The concept had been developed earlier, although the Kremlin leaders first used it […]

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Mit dem Mythos, die Krym sei schon immer russisch gewesen, will Putins Russland seine Annexion der ukrainischen Halbinsel 2014 rechtfertigen. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo umreißt die historischen Entwicklungen, die Russlands Krym-Erzählung verschweigt.

\n","date":"2026-01-09T10:17:04","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":97629}]},"tags":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":101579},{"databaseId":98331},{"databaseId":98291},{"databaseId":101563},{"databaseId":101571},{"databaseId":98299},{"databaseId":98307},{"databaseId":98315}]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[{"name":"Ignaz Lozo"}]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Ignaz Lozo","authorDescription":"Dr. Ignaz Lozo, promovierter Osteuropahistoriker, war TV-Korrespondent in Moskau. 2024 erschien sein hochgelobtes Buch Gorbatschow – Der Weltveränderer, in welchem er auch die NATO-Osterweiterung und den Ukraine-Krieg beleuchtet. Von der Universität Mainz wurde er ausgezeichnet als Absolvent, der Herausragendes geleistet hat.","authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"title-centered","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"de/russland-propaganda-geschichte-narrative-dekodiert/krym","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-300x164.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-768x419.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-900x491.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-300x164.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-768x419.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj-900x491.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2026/01/Gemini_Generated_Image_9otjoi9otjoi9otj.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":true,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":204603}]},{"title":"„Russland ist Zentrum der ‚russischen Welt‘ und hat ein Recht auf ‚historische Länder‘“","databaseId":194829,"excerpt":"

Das Konzept istoritscheskaja Rossija (dt: historisches Russland) ist im Westen wenig bekannt, gleichwohl hat es eine lange Begriffsgeschichte und wird von Putin und der Kremlpropaganda seit Jahren immer häufiger benutzt.

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Russia was using historical narratives to justify subjugation and aggression in its “near abroad” even before it annexed Crimea in 2014. History has also been conscripted as an aid-de-camp in Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine and confrontation with the West, with stories that keep finding audiences, both in- and outside of Russia, that are ready, even eager to believe.
\nIn the dekoder special Russia’s History Myths Unmasked, renowned authors decode these narratives of Russian (state) history with their intricate underpinnings, some extending back to the Middle Ages.

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Moscow describes “Ancient Rus” as the cradle of the “Russian people”, the origin of the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation of the present day. In doing so, it is using well over a millennium’s worth of history to construct a narrative aimed at justifying the use of hybrid measures to influence other states and even a destructive war against neighbouring states. Historian Andrey Doronin takes a deep dive into the historical underpinnings of this Russian myth and explains how the understandings of the non-Russian Rus differ from the myth that Moscow tells.

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Russlands Mythos von der bedrohlichen NATO verschweigt, dass der Kreml selbst über Jahrzehnte an einer Annäherung zur NATO gearbeitet hat, zeitweise gar Mitglied werden wollte. So entstand 1997 die NATO-Russland-Grundakte, die offiziell bis heute gilt. Der Historiker und Publizist Ignaz Lozo skizziert ihre Entstehung und Bedeutung.

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Переписка журналиста Андрея Архангельского и историка Сергея Медведева — о паттернах российского исторического мышления.

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Andrei Arkhangelsky:  I thought we could start with personal thought patterns, the kind we are not even aware of or only become aware of as we grow older. The ones that demand that we do some hard work on ourselves.   We were both born in what was still the Soviet era – in its complacent years under Brezhnev (also known as the era of stagnation). This was in the late 1960s, early 1970s. What were those first ideas I had about my country and the […]

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Moskau beschreibt die Alte Rus als Wiege eines „russischen Volkes“, zu dem angeblich Russen, Belarussen und Ukrainer gehören. Damit nutzt es die jahrtausendealte Geschichte, die sich geografisch deutlich weiter westlich abspielte, und konstruiert ein Narrativ, das hybride Einflussnahme und sogar einen zerstörerischen Krieg gegen Nachbarstaaten rechtfertigen soll. Der Historiker Andrej Doronin geht dem russischen Mythos vom „einigen Volk“ auf den tiefen geschichtlichen Grund und erläutert, wie sich die Verständnisse der nicht-russländischen rus vom Moskauer Mythos unterscheiden.

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Вплоть до полномасштабной войны в Украине растущую зависимость от российского газа в Германии часто оправдывали тем, что Москва всегда была надежным поставщиком топлива по низким ценам. Игнорируя то, что подоплека действий Кремля из экономической давно стала политической. Когда это произошло и к каким привело последствиям?

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Dieser Beitrag ist ein Teil unseres Projekts „Russlands Geschichtsmythen entlarvt“. Mehr Narrative dekodieren Andrej Archangelski: Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen.  Wir sind beide noch in der Sowjetzeit geboren – […]

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Глава 1. Красный газ У каждой истории есть отправной пункт. У нашей он расположен там, где, кажется, ничего не напоминает о газе или международной торговле энергоносителями — в Лайцхалле. Это главный концертный зал Гамбурга — «вольного и ганзейского города», как он именуется официально. 6 июня 1967 года туда стекаются сотни людей. Парковка перед зданием — […]

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Andrej Archangelski:  Fangen wir am besten mit persönlichen Denkmustern an, die uns selbst nicht bewusst sind oder wo es Jahre dauert, bis sie uns bewusstwerden. Und die uns mühevolle Arbeit an uns selbst abverlangen.   Sergej Medwedew:  Bei mir ist es ähnlich. Ich sehe mich noch als Dritt- oder Viertklässler, 1975/76, schon als Pionier: Ein Wintermorgen, […]

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dekoder feiert 10. Geburtstag! Schenk uns – und dir – weitere Jahre geballte dekoder-Energie!

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Bis zum Beginn des vollumfänglichen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, wurde die wachsende Abhängigkeit von russischem Gas in Deutschland häufig damit gerechtfertigt, Moskau habe doch stets zuverlässig geliefert. Ein Blick auf die Details zeigt ein anderes Bild.

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Eine Reise in die Zeit, als mehrere tausend Kilometer lange Pipelines gebaut wurden – und man noch glaubte, mit Gashandel Völker verbinden und diplomatische Spannungen überbrücken zu können.

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hallo ABC

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1. Wie die Illusion von Wahrheit erzeugt wird Gegen 5 Uhr morgens am 24. Februar 2022 beginnen die russischen Truppen einen großflächigen Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Die Invasion rückt rasch über vier Achsen voran: auf Kyjiw und Charkiw, auf den Donbass und auf den Süden der Ukraine aus Richtung der Halbinsel Krim. Gleichzeitig verübt Russland […]

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In ihrer Kurzgeschichte aus dem Jahr 2014 erkundet die belarussische Autorin Mariya Lappo die trügerischen Vorzüge eines Lebens in Abschottung. In unserem Literatur-Special präsentieren wir den Text erstmals auf Deutsch.

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Konzept, Design und Umsetzung: Alexandra HeidsiekRedaktion: Anton Himmelspach

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Большинство расхожих объяснений происхождения словосочетания «Белая Русь» не имеет под собой научной основы. Откуда оно взялось на самом деле и как стало именем государства, рассказывает беларуский историк Виктор Шадурский.

\n","date":"2024-11-29T12:27:06","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":295}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":"Виктор Шадурский","authorDescription":"Беларуский историк. В 1984 году окончил Белорусский государственный университет по специальности «история», защитил кандидатскую и докторскую диссертации. С сентября 2008 по март 2021 года работал деканом и профессором факультета международных отношений БГУ. В марте 2021 года из-за своей научной и гражданской позиции был уволен из университета. С апреля 2022 года совместно с профессором Университета имени Юстуса Либига (Гиссен, Германия) занимается научным проектом «Республика Беларусь: от парламентской демократии к авторитарному режиму (1990–1996)», финансово поддерживаемым Фондом Герды Хенкель (Германия). Автор более 200 научных публикаций.","authorImage":{"node":{"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/Shadurski-Victor-2023-01-06_15-53-02_sw-1.jpg"}},"bodyClass":null,"menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":null,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"ru/belarus-imya-istorija","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-768x512.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-900x600.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-768x512.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1-900x600.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2024/02/bel_0_2_1.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":null,"beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"ru"},"translations":[{"databaseId":118587}]},{"title":"Julja Piljulja (Danylowa) ","databaseId":161567,"excerpt":"

Geboren in Charkiw, aufgewachsen in Horliwka im Donbas. Als Kind schrieb Julja Danylowa Artikel für die Kinderzeitung Skrepka (dt. Büroklammer). 2014 musste sie mit 18 Jahren vor der russischen Invasion ihre Heimatregion verlassen. Sie zog nach Charkiw und machte dort 2018 ihren Abschluss an der Kulturakademie Charkiw.  Seitdem arbeitet sie hauptsächlich mit Drucken, Comics und […]

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Geboren 1975 im Ural, lebt seit 2010 in Charkiw (Ukraine).   Oleg Michajlow ist Autor und Dramaturg – ausgebildeter Schauspieler, arbeitete als Radiomoderator, schreibt seit 2005 Theaterstücke und ist bei Theaterfestivals in Kyjiw, Charkiw und Kramatorsk vertreten.  Seine Stücke werden in der Ukraine beispielsweise am Kyjiwer Akademischen Theater Soloti Worota (dt. Goldenes Tor), dem Charkiwer Staatlichen […]

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I Der Riese kam immer nachts. Wenn die Wintersonne unwillig aus dem kühlen Meer kroch und die Stadt erhellte, mussten ihre Einwohner feststellen, dass der Riese auch in dieser Nacht mehrere Häuser zerstört hatte. Die Einwohner liebten ihre Stadt sehr, darum war es kein Wunder, dass sie bitterlich weinten, wenn sie jeden Morgen wieder neue […]

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„Ein neues Märchen. Ich schreibe immer düsterer, also … ein Märchen über die Angst.“   Mit diesen Worten veröffentlichte der Charkiwer Dramaturg und Kinderbuchautor Oleg Michajlow im Dezember 2023 die Geschichte von dem Jungen Petja, der sich mit einem Plüsch-Hahn, einer Rennmaus und einem Hauskater anschickt, den bösen Riesen zu erlegen, der seine Familie und sein […]

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Ein Kapitel des deutschen Vernichtungsfeldzugs gegen die Sowjetunion, das oft übersehen wird, ist die Politik der „verbrannten Dörfer“ in Belarus. Die NS-Besatzer zerstörten im ganzen Land über 9.000 Dörfer – viele davon wurden für immer ausgelöscht.

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Die Slawistin Nina Weller über die Entstehung und Rezeption des Buches Feuerdörfer, das Literatur und Erinnerungskultur gleichermaßen veränderte.

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Das Buch Feuerdörfer von Ales Adamowitsch, Janka Bryl und Uladsimir Kalesnik ist über Generationen hinweg zu einem der prägendsten Werke der belarussischen Literatur geworden. Wir haben zeitgenössische Autorinnen, Schriftsteller und Lyrikerinnen aus Belarus gefragt, welche Bedeutung das Buch für sie hat.  

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Der Übersetzer Thomas Weiler hat das Buch Feuerdörfer, 50 Jahre nach der Erstveröffentlichung, erstmals aus dem Belarussischen ins Deutsche übertragen. Wir präsentieren einen Auszug aus seiner Übersetzung.

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Nach 50 Jahren erscheint Feuerdörfer erstmals auf Deutsch. Das Buch über die Wehrmachtsverbrechen in Belarus erschütterte die sowjetische Gesellschaft – ein Special, unter anderem mit der Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexijewitsch.

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Ein dekoder-Gesopräch mit der belarussischen Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Swetlana Alexjiewitsch über das Buch Feuerdörfer, ihren Mentor Ales Adamowitsch und über das menschliche Leiden in der Literatur.

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Имя Кастуся Калиновского носит беларуский добровольческий полк, который сейчас воюет с российскими оккупантами в Украине. Им же была названа одна из советских партизанских бригад, сражавшихся против немецких захватчиков в годы Второй мировой войны. Кем был этот человек, ставший одним из главных героев беларуского исторического пантеона благодаря руководству восстанием 1863–1864 годов против Российской империи?

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Krieg gegen die Ukraine, Corona-Pandemie, internationaler Haftbefehl: Unsere Daten zeigen, wie sich die Auslandsreisen des russischen Präsidenten zwischen 2000 und 2024 verändert haben.

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Kastus Kalinouski war Anführer des Januaraufstands gegen das Zarenreich. Deswegen wird er als Kämpfer für die belarussische Unabhängigkeit verehrt, die Machthaber um Lukaschenko wollen ihn dagegen aus der Geschichte streichen. Viktor Schadurski über eine komplexe Figur im Zerrbild von Ideologie und Propaganda.

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Seit zwei Jahren reist der Fotograf Ludwig Nikulski immer wieder an die Grenzen der Ukraine. Mit seiner Kamera beobachtet er, wie der Krieg das Grenzland verändert, das diesen Krieg vom Rest Europas trennt.

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An einem bewölkten Augusttag 2016 taucht am Pirogowskaja Ufer in Sankt Petersburg ein Banner mit der Aufschrift „Ihr kreuzigt die Freiheit, doch die menschliche Seele kennt keine Fesseln“ auf. Ein Déjà Vu für Putin, falls er es gesehen hat: Vierzig Jahre zuvor hatte er als junger KGB-Offizier die Entfernung eben jener Inschrift veranlasst – damals […]

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Knete, Drucker, Kleidung – russischen Streetartists ist jedes Mittel recht, um ihre Botschaften zu verbreiten. Ihr Protest ist eindrücklich – und ungeahnt kreativ.

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Russische Streetart gegen den Krieg – Von Alleinkämpfern, einer transregionalen feministischen Bewegung und alltäglichen Widerstandspraktiken.

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Erinnerungen, Traumata, ein aufziehender Bürgerkrieg: Darum geht es in dem Roman Libido des belarussischen Schriftstellers Illja Sin, der 2018 erschien. Wir präsentieren Auszüge aus der ausgezeichneten Antiutopie.

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84 года назад завершилась советско-финляндская война. Поначалу полномасштабную агрессию России против Украины часто сравнивали именно с ней. Но эта война закончилась всего за три с лишним месяца.

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Почему протесты редко заканчиваются свержением авторитарного режима

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История украденной революции в Казахстане

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Ein Gespräch mit Friederike Meltendorf über journalistisches Übersetzen.

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На исходе второго года агрессии против Украины создается впечатление, что антивоенный протест в России сошел на нет

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Woher der Eindruck kommt, dass sich in Russland niemand gegen den Krieg einsetzt

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In Europa verkannt, in Belarus teilweise verboten: In unserem Special könnt ihr Kurzprosa und Geschichten von Autoren und Schriftstellerinnen klassischer und zeitgenössischer belarussischer Literatur entdecken – mit Illustrationen von Katsiaryna Dubovik.

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Mit der Kurzgeschichte Zuhause debütierte Michas Stralzou im Jahr 1957. In dieser setzt sich der belarussisch-sowjetische Schriftsteller mit den Auswirkungen der Landflucht auseinander, die nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in der Belarussischen Sowjetrepublik einsetzte.

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Die Erzählung Die Feldlerche von Zjotka stammt aus dem Jahr 1914. Sie ist von der Idee geprägt, dass man sie an einem kalten Winterabend mit der ganzen Familie lesen kann, und dabei nicht nur Belarus, sondern auch Natur und Dorfleben besser kennenlernt.

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Krieg, Repressionen, Flucht und Exil: Rückblick auf ein düsteres Jahr 2023 in Bildern und Texten aus Russland, Belarus und der Ukraine

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1. The illusion of truth In the early hours of 24 February 2022, Russian troops began a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, crossing the border and then heading at speed in the direction of Kyiv and Kharkiv, through Donbas and southern Ukraine towards Crimea, all the while launching missile strikes at targets across the country. News […]

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Viele Russinnen und Russen unterstützen den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Propaganda spielt dabei eine Schlüsselrolle. Wir haben mehr als drei Millionen Artikel der wichtigsten propagandistischen Nachrichtenagentur Russlands analysiert und daraus die Muster herausgelesen, nach denen Propaganda funktioniert.

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Как пропаганда заставила миллионы россиян поверить в то, что война — самый верный путь к миру. Дата-исследование «Новой газеты Европа» и декодера.

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В сети пропаганды В 1999 году BBC выпустила на восьми тогда еще VHS-кассетах проект на русском языке о том, как делать телевидение. В последней части Владимир Познер разговаривает с известными в то время тележурналистами о профессиональной этике – что нужно, а что нельзя рассказывать людям? Можно ли с благими намерениями скрывать значимую информацию? Обязательно ли […]

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Что россияне думаю о войне против Украины? Многое говорит о том, что россияне в большинстве своем не хотели этой войны. Тем не менее, опросы и социологические эксперименты показывают, что после начала вторжения как минимум половина населения поддерживает как Путина, так и действия российской армии. По опросам Левады-Центра начиная с февраля 2022 – от 68 до […]

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Wie funktioniert russische Propaganda? Welche Narrative werden verbreitet? Und wie schafft man damit hohe Zustimmungswerte für Putin und den Krieg gegen die Ukraine? Ergebnisse einer Daten-Recherche von dekoder, Novaya Gazeta Europe und Süddeutscher Zeitung.

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У сваім эсэ беларускі пісьменнік Адам Свіргул тлумачыць, наколькі адкрыцці Курапатаў сфармавалі яго пакаленне і чаму ён лічыць памяць аб злачынствах сталінскага тэрору ключом да будучыні Беларусі.

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In seinem Essay erzählt der belarussische Autor Adam Swirgul, wie sehr die Entdeckungen von Kurapaty seine Generation prägten und warum er das Gedenken an die dortigen Verbrechen des Stalinschen Terrors für einen Schlüssel zur Zukunft von Belarus hält.

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Was wissen wir zu den Verbrechen, die in Kurapaty begangen wurden, und was nicht? Der Historiker Igor Kusnetzow über den schwierigen Weg der historischen Wahrheitsfindung zu einem der zentralen Orte des Stalinschen Terrors in Belarus.

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Dieser Artikel zu den Massengräbern in Kurapaty aus dem Jahr 1988 veränderte die belarussische Geschichte und Gesellschaft. Wir bringen den Artikel in einer vollständigen Neuübersetzung von Tina Wünschmann aus dem Belarussischen.

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Kurapaty ist ein Wendepunkt in der jüngeren belarussischen Geschichte. Als die Entdeckung von Massengräbern am nordwestlichen Rand der belarussischen Hauptstadt Minsk im Jahr 1988 bekannt wurde, ging ein Aufschrei durch die Gesellschaft. Wie konnte es passieren, dass Zehntausende Belarussen unter Stalin ermordet wurden? Warum wurde so lange über das Thema geschwiegen?

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Kapitel 1. Das rote Gas Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit, sed do eiusmod tempor incididunt ut labore et dolore magna aliqua. Ut enim ad minim veniam, quis nostrud exercitation ullamco laboris nisi ut aliquip ex ea commodo consequat. Duis aute irure dolor in reprehenderit in voluptate velit esse cillum dolore eu fugiat […]

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Was muss passieren, damit Russland nicht noch einmal die Chance auf eine demokratische Entwicklung verspielt? Aus dem Gefängnis heraus hat Alexej Nawalny eine Debatte darüber angestoßen, welche Lehren aus den Fehlern der 1990er Jahre gezogen werden müssen. dekoder stellt die interessantesten Beiträge vor.

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Das totalitäre Erbe kann nur überwunden werden, wenn die Schuldigen benannt und zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden, schreibt Wladimir Kara-Mursa.

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Alexej Nawalny warnt davor, noch einmal demokratische Prinzipien zugunsten pragmatischer Lösungen aufzugeben.

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Es ist zu leicht, alle Schuld auf Putin und seine Beamten abzuwälzen: Auch die russische Gesellschaft muss sich unbequeme Fragen stellen, meint Maxim Trudoljubow auf Meduza.

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О проекте «Мы хотим быть свободными людьми», — под этим лозунгом 17 июня 1953 года больше миллиона жителей ГДР вышло на улицы в первом из серии выступлений против коммунистической диктатуры в Восточной Европе. Потребовалось больше трех десятилетий, чтобы после кровавого подавления восстания немцы и вместе с ними все восточные европейцы добились свободы. С этого момента […]

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Как Майдан подготовил украинское общество к борьбе против российской агрессии

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Mit dem Ende der Diktaturen in Osteuropa glaubten viele, das demokratische Zeitalter breche an. Die Autokratien wurden jedoch zahlreicher und repressiver, heute kämpfen Millionen für ihre Freiheit. Manche gewinnen, die anderen scheitern. Können Freiheitsbewegungen voneinander lernen?

\n","date":"2023-06-16T11:14:00","categories":{"nodes":[{"databaseId":285},{"databaseId":39921}]},"tags":{"nodes":[]},"featuredImage":null,"autoren":{"nodes":[]},"acfMeta":{"author":null,"authorDescription":null,"authorImage":null,"bodyClass":"freedom-protest","menuTitle":null,"menuCategory":null,"orderId":360,"originalUrl":null,"originalDate":null,"shortened":false,"photoEditor":null,"slug":"freiheit-protest","translator":null,"pageType":["centered"],"hasDiscussion":false,"darkBackground":false,"dataVisualization":null,"titleVideo":null,"tileImage":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px.jpg"}},"titleVideoPoster":{"node":{"mediaDetails":{"sizes":[{"name":"medium","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-300x200.jpg"},{"name":"thumbnail","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-150x150.jpg"},{"name":"medium_large","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-768x511.jpg"},{"name":"square-400","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-400x400.jpg"},{"name":"medium-large-900","sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px-900x599.jpg"}]},"sourceUrl":"https://wp.dekoder.org/content/uploads/2023/06/001_DOM_2013_12_21_8947_1200px.jpg"}},"published":true,"titleVideoSource":"© Maxim Dondyuk","beginWithBody":false,"themeColor":null},"language":{"slug":"de"},"translations":[{"databaseId":85729}]},{"title":"Das Großfürstentum in den Wolken","databaseId":83881,"excerpt":"

Als Belarus mit dem Ende der Sowjetunion im Jahr 1991 die Unabhängigkeit erlangte, forcierte sich auch die Suche nach einer nationalen Identität und einer eigenen Geschichtsschreibung. Abseits sowjetischer Narrative und Doktrine. In dieser Zeit des Aufbruchs wurde das Großfürstentum Litauen sozusagen einer der Dreh- und Angelpunkte dieser Suche. In seinem Beitrag beschreibt der belarussische Philosoph Ihar Babkou die Rolle des Großfürstentums für die damaligen Hoffnungen und Sehnsüchte der Belarussen.

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Die Schlacht bei Orscha im Jahr 1514 ist eines der bedeutenden Ereignisse für das Großfürstentum Litauen. Ein Ereignis, das bis heute Fragen aufwirft und auch prägend für die nationale Identität der Belarussen ist. Hienadź Sahanovič, als Historiker einer der Experten für diese kriegerische Auseinandersetzung, erklärt die Hintergründe der Schlacht, ihre politischen Folgen und ihre Bedeutung für die Gegenwart.

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Polen und Belarus teilen eine über Jahrhunderte verbundene Geschichte. Vor allem durch die gemeinsame Zugehörigkeit zum Großfürstentum Litauen und zur polnisch-litauischen Adelsrepublik. Es ist eine Geschichte, die nicht immer unproblematisch war und sich seit 1991 mitunter auf die Beziehungen zwischen beiden Ländern auswirkt. Diese beleuchtet der polnische Politologe Kamil Kłysiński in seinem Beitrag.

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Die Litauer waren eine der ersten Nationen, die sich mit den belarussischen Protesten im Jahr 2020 solidarisierten. Als tausende Belarussen im Zuge der Repressionen aus ihrem Land flüchten mussten, nahm Litauen diese Flüchtlinge aus dem Nachbarland bereitwillig auf. Die gemeinsame Geschichte, die das baltische Land mit Belarus teilt, geht vor allem auf die Zeit des Großfürstentums zurück. Der Historiker und Politologe Andrzej Pukszto erörtert in seinem Beitrag die Herausforderungen dieser Vergangenheit für die litauisch-belarussischen Beziehungen.

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Ruthenisch? Schon mal gehört? Nein? Kein Problem. Michael Moser, Sprachwissenschaftler an der Universität Wien, erklärt die Ursprünge und Mysterien einer Sprache, die als Kanzleisprache des Großfürstentum Litauens zu Ruhm gelangte und die nicht selten zu einer Art „Alt-Belarusisch” vereinfacht wird.

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Das Großfürstentum Litauen war einer der größten Staaten der Erde. Er erstreckte sich von der Ostsee bis zum Schwarzen Meer. Die multikulturelle und in vielfacher Hinsicht grenzüberwindende Faszination dieses Herrschaftsgebietes hat auch die polnische Literaturnobelpreisträgerin Olga Tokarczuk zu ihrem opus magnum „Die Jakobsbücher“ inspiriert. 

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Как церковь, пострадавшая от советского авторитаризма, стала провозвестницей российского

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Es sollte eine rasche Militäroperation werden. Daraus wurde jedoch ein großflächiger, verlustreicher Abnutzungskrieg: Historiker Michael Jonas über den finnisch-sowjetischen Winterkrieg 1939/40.

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Die Kriegsfront hat sich auch in die Welt der Zeichen und Symbole verlagert – in Russland wie in der Ukraine. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger stellen Symbole, Zeichen und Begriffe der ukrainischen Subversion und Gegenwehr vor.

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Подробный разбор перевода — большая редкость в практике перевода журналистики. Анна Шибарова предприняла такую попытку и открывает в своем метатексте новые слои оригинала и перевода.

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Мем с кошечками завирусился в русскоязычном интернете. А можно перевести игру слов? Ирина Знаменская задала этот вопрос в фейсбуке. Саша Харитонский написал об этом пост, а Дженни Зейц перевела его на немецкий. Дополнение Александры Берлиной отвечает на вопрос: Что такое мемы?

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Что увидит переводчик, если заглянет сам себе через плечо? Какие вопросы он себе задаст? С кем поведет внутренний диалог? Хартмут Шрёдер прибегнул в процессе перевода к старому культурному приему, а именно к ведению дневника – и предоставил нам результат.

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Рут Альтенхофер изучает собственные переводы интервью для dekoder, обнажая свои приемы и цели: «Создать у читателей и читательниц dekoder, даже не понимающих по-русски, ощущение, что они присутствуют при разговоре»

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Что такое перевод журналистики? Где им занимаются? В большинстве СМИ переводят лишь изредка, отдельные материалы — а для dekoder это несущая идея, его насущный хлеб. И как же это устроено в реальности? И что об этом думают переводчики и переводчицы, редакторки и редакторы?

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Политкорректность не стала нормой в русском языке. Что же делать, если при переводе текста приходится об этом задумываться? Сделать вид, что проблемы нет? И тем самым, в сущности, отказать в переводе автору или его героям? Нет, это не выход, говорит Мария Райер, которая выступает за прозрачность и право голоса для всех.

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Какие сложности мы преодолеваем, переводя журналистские тексты? Какие из них связаны с конкретным текстом, а какие встречаются постоянно, меняя только образ/текст/текстуру? Хенриетте Рейснер предложила несколько тезисов, которые мы обсудили в нашей мастерской Neustart.

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Как задумывался этот спецпроект и что за ним стоит.

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между культурой, политикой и эстетикой

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Александра Берлина о звездочках, фигах в кармане и других формах протеста, а также о сложном вопросе: как переводить антивоенную символику?

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На что способны эссе? Как они устроены? На что нужно обращать внимание, чтобы они не проигрывали в переводе? Анья Шлоссбергер-Оберхаммер о переводе журналисткого жанра, столько важного для неспокойных времен именно тем, что он никого не пытается переубедить.

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Журналистские тексты меняются со временем и в зависимости от того, где, как и в каком контексте они публикуются. Репортажи «Новой газеты» здесь не исключение. Как эти изменения проявляются в переводе? Ирина Бондас отправляется в путешествие между текстами, временами и языками.

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How the special took shape and what lies behind it

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What does journalistic translation involve and where does it happen? Whereas most media outlets only occasionally have a piece translated, translation is fundamental to the entire concept of dekoder. How does something like that work? And what does it mean for translators and editors?

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The Russian language is not, in the narrower meaning of the term, politically correct. What does a translator do when faced with such aspects in a text? Pretend they aren’t there? And perhaps, by doing so, do an injustice to the authors and protagonists? That is certainly not the answer, says Maria Rajer, who calls for transparency and self-empowerment in translation work.

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What can essays do? How do they do it? And what has to be kept in mind when they are being translated to ensure that they will still be able to do it in the other language? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer on the translation of a journalistic form whose importance in times of turmoil lies in the fact that it does not seek to convince its readers of something.

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Ruth Altenhofer observed herself translating interviews for dekoder in order to figure out just what it is she is doing when she translates. And she concluded: “I make sure that dekoder readers who cannot understand Russian feel like they are sitting right there at the table during the conversation.” Here, she tells us how.

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The close-reading of a translation is not often done with journalistic translations. Together with her students, Anna Shibarova did just that – and her metatext opens up new layers of a text and its translation.

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It is thanks to translators that there are texts in languages and cultures that they did not originate in. So it is annoying when people behave as though translators don’t exist, as sometimes happens. But where can and should translators be visible? Larissa Schippel addresses the question from a translation theory perspective.

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If a translator looks over his own shoulder as he translates, what does he see? What does he ask himself? And with whom does he argue? Hartmut Schröder adopted a venerable cultural technique while working on a translation: journal-keeping. And then he let us have it.

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A cat meme goes viral on the Russian-language Internet. On Facebook, university lecturer Irina Znamenskaya asked – how can the language-based joke be translated? Sasha Kharitonski responded in a post which Zachary King translated into English. Alexandra Berlina’s addendum seeks to answer the question: What are memes, actually?

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Journalistic texts change over time and with the setting, manner and context in which they appear. Novaya Gazeta’s reportage is an example. How is this manifest during translation? Irina Bondas sets out on a path through texts, times and languages.

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What challenges do we encounter when translating journalistic texts – which of these are text-specific, and which crop up repeatedly, just in different garb. Henriette Reisner on topics discussed in our Neustart workshop.

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Alexandra Berlina on asterisks, figs in the pocket and other forms of protest, as well as the difficult question of how to translate signals and anti-war symbolism.

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Die 1990er Jahre waren revolutionär für die belarussische Musik: Eine Zeit der mutigen Experimente und die Geburtsstunde eines echten, gesunden belarussischen Showbusiness. Eine Hommage von Nasha Niva.

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Rebellion durch Sprache: In der Kultur der Rock- und Alternativmusik nimmt das Belarussische seit den 1980er Jahren eine bedeutende Stellung ein. Wir haben einige belarussische Kulturpersönlichkeiten befragt, wie sie zum Belarussischen gekommen sind und warum sie die Sprache für ihre Musik oder ihre Arbeit zu verwenden begannen.

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Aus dem digitalen Fotoarchiv der Musik-Zeitung, das mit dem Aufkommen erschwinglicher Digitalkameras um das Jahr 2000 seinen Anfang nahm, zeigen wir eine Auswahl an Fotos aus jener Zeit, in der die belarussische Rockmusik tonangebend und stilprägend war.

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Zs und Vs auf Autos, Panzern und öffentlichen Plätzen – der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine wird auch auf Ebene der Codes, Symbole und Zeichen geführt. Doch derer bedient sich nicht nur die russische Propaganda, sondern auch die Protestbewegung in Russland. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger mit einer Momentaufnahme dieser coded language und ausgewählten Beispielen – in Wort und Bild.

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Der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine ist auch ein Krieg der Symbole. Elisabeth Bauer und Yelizaveta Landenberger zeigen ausgewählte Beispiele – in Wort und Bild.

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Journalistische Texte verändern sich über die Zeit und in Abhängigkeit davon, wo und wie und in welchem Kontext sie erscheinen. Die Reportagen der Novaya Gazeta sind ein Beispiel dafür Wie macht sich das beim Übersetzen bemerkbar? Irina Bondas begibt sich auf den Weg zwischen Texte, Zeiten und Sprachen.

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Was heißt journalistisches Übersetzen und wo findet es statt? Während in den meisten Medien oft nur einzelne Beiträge übersetzt werden, ist das Übersetzen bei dekoder ein tragender Teil des Konzepts. Wie funktioniert so etwas? Und was bedeutet das für Übersetzer:innen und Redakteur:innen?

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zwischen Kultur, Politik und Ästhetik

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Dank Übersetzern gibt es Texte in jeweils anderen Sprachen und Kulturen. Da ist es ärgerlich, wenn manche so tun, als gäbe es sie nicht. An welchen Stellen also können und sollten die Übersetzer:innen sichtbar werden? Das beleuchtet Larisa Schippel aus übersetzungswissenschaftlicher Perspektive.

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Welchen Herausforderungen begegnen wir beim Übersetzen journalistischer Texte – was davon ist spezifisch und was begegnet uns immer wieder, nur in unterschiedlichen Kleidern/Texten/in unterschiedlicher Textur? Henriette Reisner mit Thesen, die wir im Neustart-Workshop diskutierten.

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Alexandra Berlina über Sternchen, Hosentaschenfeigen und andere Protestformen sowie die schwierige Frage: Wie übersetzt man Zeichen und Antikriegssymbolik?

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Ein Kätzchen-Meme geht viral im russischsprachigen Internet. Wie kann man den Sprachwitz übersetzen?, fragte die Dozentin Irina Snamenskaja auf Facebook. In einem Post hat sich Sascha Charitonski dazu Gedanken gemacht, Jennie Seitz hat ihn ins Deutsche übersetzt. Alexandra Berlina fragt im Nachtrag: Was sind eigentlich Memes?

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Ruth Altenhofer beobachtet ihre eigenen Interview-Übersetzungen für dekoder und kommt dabei ihrem Tun auf die Schliche: „Ich sorge dafür, dass dekoder-LeserInnen, die kein Russisch verstehen, das Gefühl haben, mit am Tisch zu sitzen.“ Hier beschreibt sie, wie sie das macht.

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Wenn ein Übersetzer sich selbst über die Schulter und auf die Finger schaut, was sieht er da? Welche Fragen stellt er sich? Und mit wem diskutiert er? Hartmut Schröder hat während einer Übersetzung zu einer alten Kulturtechnik gegriffen, nämlich Tagebuch geschrieben – und es uns überlassen.

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Close-Reading einer Übersetzung – das kommt im journalistischen Übersetzen nicht oft vor. Anna Shibarowa tat es und eröffnet durch ihren Metatext neue Schichten eines Textes und seiner Übersetzung.

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Was können Essays? Und wie machen sie das? Und was muss man beim Übersetzen beachten, damit sie es in der anderen Sprache auch noch tun? Anja Schloßberger-Oberhammer über das Übersetzen einer journalistischen Form, die in unruhigen Zeiten wichtig ist, weil sie nicht überzeugen will.

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Politisch korrekt im engeren Sinne ist die russische Sprache nicht. Was macht eine Übersetzerin, die mit solchen Aspekten im Text konfrontiert ist? So tun, als wäre nichts? Und damit Autoren und Protagonisten womöglich nicht gerecht werden? Das ist bestimmt keine Lösung, so Maria Rajer, die für Transparenz und Selbstermächtigung beim Übersetzen plädiert.

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Wie das Special entstanden ist und was dahinter steckt.

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Russlands Präsident Wladimir Putin eskaliert den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. In den russisch besetzten Teilen der Ukraine sind vermeintliche „Referenden“ über einen Beitritt zu Russland angekündigt. Warum das keine echten Referenden sind und inwiefern das Vorgehen Teil der russischen Kriegsführung ist – das erklären die Wissenschaftlerinnen Cindy Wittke und Gwendolyn Sasse.

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Das Kernkraftwerk Saporishshja – das leistungsstärkste AKW in Europa – liegt im Kriegsgebiet in der Ukraine. Es ist von der russischen Armee besetzt, so etwas hat es bisher nicht gegeben. Wie groß ist die Gefahr für einen Reaktorunfall? Kann es ein zweites Tschernobyl geben?

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Беларуская міфалогія

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беларуская мифология

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Seit dem 24. Februar 2022 führt Russland einen offenen Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine. Wie rechtfertigt Putin diesen Krieg? Wie leistet die Ukraine Widerstand? Und wo liegen die Chancen der Diplomatie? Dazu schreiben Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler in unserem FAQ

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«Украина переживет эту войну, как пережила Голодомор, массовые депортации крестьян и гонения на украинских диссидентов. Украина переживет и выстоит». Украинский писатель Андрей Курков рассказывает о Дне Независимости своей страны — ровно через полгода после начала полномасштабного вторжения России в Украину.

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Am 24. August feiert die Ukraine traditionell ihre Unabhängigkeit, auf die es Russland nicht erst mit dem vor sechs Monaten losgetretenen Angriffskrieg abgesehen hat. Was bedeutet der Krieg für das Unabhängigkeitsgefühl der Ukrainer? Und wie blicken die den Ukrainern verbundenen Belarussen auf den Feiertag? Darüber schreiben die beiden Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow und Alhierd Bacharevič.

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Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskrieges auf die Ukraine, bei dem auch Belarus eine unheilvolle Rolle spielt, sieht sich der Schriftsteller und Lyriker Alhierd Bacharevič einer schmerzhaften Zerrissenheit ausgeliefert.

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„Die Ukraine wird diesen Krieg überleben.” Davon ist der ukrainische Schriftsteller Andrej Kurkow überzeugt. Seit Beginn der großen russischen Invasion vor einem halben Jahr beschäftigt er sich nicht mehr mit der Fiktion seiner Romane, sondern damit, der Welt die Geschichte und Kultur seines Landes näherzubringen.

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Im Krieg gegen die Ukraine steht der belarussische Machthaber Alexander Lukaschenko an der Seite des russischen Präsidenten Putin. Doch bislang sind keine seiner Truppen beteiligt. Warum hilft er Putin? Was hat er zu gewinnen, was zu verlieren? Und was bedeutet das für seinen eigenen Machterhalt?

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Das war der Stand nach drei Monaten Krieg: Wie lief der Krieg bis dato ab? Wie leistet die ukrainische Armee Widerstand? Und wie groß ist die Gefahr einer atomaren Eskalation?

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Kurz nach dem Angriff auf die Hauptstadt Kiew bot der ukrainische Präsident Selensky eine Neutralität seines Landes an – allerdings geknüpft an Bedingungen.
\nWas kann eine neutrale Ukraine denn theoretisch überhaupt heißen? Und wäre das so eine einfache Lösung, wie es klingt?

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Die Hoffnung lag von Beginn an auf der Diplomatie. Doch wie sind die Chancen auf einen möglichen Waffenstillstand? Kann nicht doch die UNO helfen? Warum ist es so schwierig, mit Putin an den Verhandlungstisch zu gehen?

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Wie hat Wladimir Putin den Angriff auf Kiew und die großflächige Invasion am 24. Februar 2022 begonnen? Und mit welchen Propaganda-Formeln versucht er, ihn legitim erscheinen zu lassen?

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Vorgehen gegen „ausländische Agenten“ in Medien und Zivilgesellschaft, Memorial International aufgelöst, Alexej Nawalny im Straflager … 2021 – ein Jahr des Shifts in Russland.

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У Беларусі святкуюць каталіцкае і праваслаўнае Раство, знітаваны з савецкім мінулым Новы год і – Каляды. У гэтай кароткай гнозе мы тлумачым, што гэта за старажытная традыцыя і адкуль яна паходзіць.

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In Belarus wird das katholische und orthodoxe Weihnachten gefeiert, dazu das aus der Sowjetunion stammende Neujahr und: Kaljady. In dieser kurzen Gnose erklären wir, was es mit diesem archaischen Weihnachtsfest auf sich hat und woher es stammt.

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Жыла сабе адна краіна. Жыла як усе — то добра, то ня вельмі. Жыхары ейныя былі працавітыя ды руплівыя — сеялі, жалі, будавалі, пісалі кнігі, сьпявалі песьні, нараджалі дзяцей. Адно было ў гэтай краіне ня так, як ва ўсіх — ня мела яна караля. Ну, ня мела й ня мела. Зьбіралася двойчы на год рада […]

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Viele Russinnen und Russen unterstützen den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Propaganda spielt dabei eine Schlüsselrolle. Wir haben mehr als drei Millionen Artikel der wichtigsten propagandistischen Nachrichtenagentur Russlands analysiert und daraus die Muster herausgelesen, nach denen Propaganda funktioniert.

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Viele Russinnen und Russen unterstützen den Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Propaganda spielt dabei eine Schlüsselrolle.

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Propaganda schafft Fake-News und verzerrt die Realität. Und manchmal scheint es, man müsste den Menschen, die daran glauben, einfach nur die Wahrheit erzählen.

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Aber so einfach ist es nicht. Propaganda ist nicht immer nur Lüge. Sie schafft ein Weltbild, durch dessen Brille wir alles wahrnehmen, was passiert. Auch den Krieg.

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Wir haben mehr als drei Millionen Artikel der wichtigsten propagandistischen Nachrichtenagentur Russlands RIA Nowosti analysiert und daraus die Muster herausgelesen, nach denen Propaganda funktioniert.

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Im Netz der Propaganda

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Wie es der staatlichen Propaganda gelang, Millionen Russinnen und Russen davon zu überzeugen, dass ein Krieg der sicherste Weg zum Frieden ist.
Eine Data-Recherche von dekoder, der Novaya Gazeta Europe und der Süddeutschen Zeitung

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Was denken Russinnen und Russen über den Krieg gegen die Ukraine? Vieles weist darauf hin, dass die Russen diesen Krieg nicht wollten. Aber Umfragen zeigen auch, dass nach dem Beginn der Invasion mindestens die Hälfte der Bevölkerung sowohl Putin als auch die Handlungen der russischen Armee unterstützt.

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Warum das so ist, darauf gibt es keine abschließende Antwort. Aber ein Grund ist definitiv die russische Propaganda. Um besser zu verstehen, wie sie funktioniert, haben wir mehr als drei Millionen Artikel aus der Zeit zwischen 2002 und 2023 von der Website von RIA Nowosti, dem wichtigsten propagandistischen Internet-Medium Russlands, analysiert. Was wir gefunden haben, hat uns erschüttert.

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Aber der Reihe nach.

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Bei dekoder schreiben wir Namen ukrainischer Städte in der Umschrift aus dem Ukrainischen, z.B. Kyjiw oder Charkiw. Ausnahme bilden die Erwähnungen der ukrainischen Städte in Zitaten von RIA Nowosti, da wird die russische Schreibweise genutzt, also Kiew oder Charkow.

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PS Lab (public sociology laboratory) ist eine unabhängige Forschungsgruppe, die Politik und Gesellschaft in Russland und anderen postsowjetischen Ländern untersucht. Seit dem Zu Beginn des großflächigen Krieges gegen die Ukraine haben sie zwei umfangreiche Reports über die Wahrnehmung des Krieges in Russland veröffentlicht. S. Dalekaja blizkaja vojna: kak rossijane vosprinimajut voennye dejstvija v Ukraine (fevralʹ 2022 – ijunʹ 2022) und Smiritʹsja s neizbežnostʹju: Kak rossijane opravdyvajut voennoe vtorženie v Ukrainu (osenʹ – zima 2022). Englische Version des ersten Reports: Erpyleva, Svetlana, Savelyeva, Natalia (ed., 2022): The war near and far: How Russians perceive the invasion of Ukraine February 2022 through June 2022.

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Das können wir nicht genau wissen, aber es gibt einige Berichte dazu. Zum Beispiel hat die Journalistin Farida Rustamowa in einer Publikation vom 1. März 2022 die anonymen Stimmen in den Hinterzimmern der Macht in Russland  gesammelt, die authentisch sein sollten. Viele haben sind kritisch und resigniert geäußert. faridaily.substack.com: „They’re carefully enunciating the word clusterf*ck“

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1. Wie die Illusion von Wahrheit erzeugt wird

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Gegen 5 Uhr morgens am 24. Februar 2022 beginnen die russischen Truppen einen großflächigen Krieg gegen die Ukraine. Die Invasion rückt rasch über vier Achsen voran: auf Kyjiw und Charkiw, auf den Donbass und auf den Süden der Ukraine aus Richtung der Halbinsel Krim. Gleichzeitig verübt Russland massive Raketenschläge in fast allen Regionen des Landes. Die Nachrichten aus der Ukraine, Bilder und Videos von Zerstörungen und Tod auch unter der Zivilbevölkerung gehen um die Welt.

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Obwohl sich bereits im Vorfeld die Anzeichen für eine Invasion gehäuft hatten, löste diese Nachricht nicht nur unter Ukrainern und Europäern einen Schock aus, sondern auch unter den Russen. „Am Anfang hat es sich wie ein Schock angefühlt, ich konnte nicht glauben, dass wir so etwas jemals erleben würden.“ „Ich war wie betäubt, ich konnte nicht nachvollziehen, warum das passierte.“ „Ich war geschockt.“ „Ich hatte keine Angst, ich war nicht froh darüber, ich war unter Schock.“ „Das war irgendwie surreal… so darf es nicht sein… es war ein Schock für mich.“ … Das alles sind Zitate aus Interviews mit Russinnen und Russen über deren Wahrnehmung des Krieges, die von der Forschungsgruppe PS Lab 2022 durchgeführt wurden. Einige der Befragten waren von Beginn an gegen den Krieg. Andere dagegen unterstützten die Invasion oder begannen später, sie zu unterstützen. Aber die erste Reaktion von vielen war dieselbe – Schock und Erschütterung. Und zwar nicht nur bei „einfachen Menschen“, sondern auch bei vielen Staatsmännern.

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Die erste Aufgabe der Propaganda war es, die Russinnen und Russen von der Notwendigkeit dieses Krieges zu überzeugen. Oder zumindest von dessen Unvermeidbarkeit.

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Für viele Menschen begann der Krieg früh am 24. Februar mit der Ansprache von Wladimir Putin. Um 5.50 Moskauer Zeit verkündete RIA Nowosti den Beginn der sogenannten „militärischen Spezialoperation“ im Donbass und veröffentlichte ein Fragment dieser Rede, beziehungsweise deren zentralen Teil. Darin sagte Putin:

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„In Übereinstimmung mit Artikel 51 Absatz 7 der Charta der Vereinten Nationen … habe ich den Beschluss gefasst, eine militärische Spezialoperation durchzuführen. Deren Ziel ist es, die Menschen zu schützen, die seit acht Jahren den Misshandlungen und dem Genozid durch das Kiewer Regime ausgesetzt sind. Um sie zu schützen, streben wir die Demilitarisierung und Denazifizierung der Ukraine an. Diejenigen, die für die unzähligen blutigen Verbrechen gegen die Zivilbevölkerung – darunter auch Staatsbürger der Russländischen Föderation –, verantwortlich sind, werden wir vor Gericht bringen.“

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Von diesem Punkt an veröffentlicht RIA Nowosti jeden Tag Hunderte von Nachrichten über die „militärische Spezialoperation“ und die „Situation im Donbass“ – zwei Euphemismen, mit denen die Propaganda den Krieg bezeichnet.

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Viele dieser Nachrichten enthalten in verschiedenen Kombinationen immer wieder die gleichen Sätze.

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In verschiedenen Kombinationen.

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Tag für Tag.

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Monat für Monat.

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Unabhängig davon, worüber RIA Nowosti berichtet – über Erfolge der russischen Armee (Misserfolge finden in die Nachrichten keinen Eingang), darüber, wie die Ukraine angeblich selbst eigene Städte und die eigene Zivilbevölkerung beschießt, über Sanktionen oder Waffenlieferungen aus dem Westen…

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…jedes Mal sehen die Leserinnen und Leser immer den gleichen Text. Und zwar... 

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mehr als 10.000 Mal.

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Die Tatsache, dass Sätze in Nachrichten eines Mediums wiederholt werden, ist zunächst nichts Außergewöhnliches. Nachrichten existieren nicht im luftleeren Raum, sondern sind miteinander verbunden. Sei es bei einem Terroranschlag, einem Brand, einem Gerichtsverfahren oder was auch immer: Nachrichten bilden in der Regel kurze oder lange Ketten, die über die Entwicklung eines Themas erzählen. In der Überschrift und am Anfang der Nachricht steht üblicherweise die aktuellste Information (Was passierte? Wer hat daran teilgenommen? etc.). Damit der Leser versteht, worum es genau geht, folgen darauf zusätzliche Informationen zum Kontext; etwa darüber, was zuvor geschah und womit diese konkrete Nachricht verbunden ist.

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Solche Sätze oder Absätze bezeichnet man im Journalismus Kontextparagrafen und diese können sich durchaus wortwörtlich wiederholen. Kontext kann sich mit neuen Informationen ergänzen und sich verändern. Aber was für Qualitätsjournalismus wichtig ist: Im Kontext sollten ausschließlich neutrale Informationen dargestellt werden, die nackten Fakten. Der Kontext sollte auch unmittelbar mit der Nachricht zusammenhängen und den Leserinnen und Lesern eine Hilfe reichen, sie einzuordnen.

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Im Fall der Sätze über „Genozid“ und „blutige Verbrechen des Kiewer Regimes“ ist dies offensichtlich nicht so. Der Absatz hilft nicht, die jeweilige Nachricht zu verstehen, sondern er sorgt dafür, dass sie aus einem bestimmten Blickwinkel wahrgenommen wird und sich in eine (falsche) Erzählung einfügt. Wir kämpfen gegen die Ukraine? Weil Ukrainer Zivilisten töten. Der Westen verhängt Sanktionen? Weil er das verbrecherische Kiewer Regime unterstützt. Die Ukraine beschießt eigene Städte? Klar, sie tut das bereits seit acht Jahren! In Russland findet eine Mobilmachung statt? Tja, wir müssen Zivilisten beschützen.

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Zu jedem Ereignis, das direkt oder indirekt mit dem Krieg zusammenhängt, gibt es eine ideologisch aufgeladene Erklärung. Und wenn diese sich tausendfach wiederholt, schafft sie den sogenannten Illusory-Truth-Effekt – eine im Grunde kognitive Verzerrung. Ein Team um den Psychologen Jonas De Keersmaecker von der Universität Gent hat 2020 in einem Aufsatz nachgewiesen, dass selbst intelligente und aufgeklärte Menschen beginnen, eine Lüge zu glauben, wenn sie nur oft genug wiederholt wird.

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Und im Falle von RIA Nowosti geht es nicht nur um drei Sätze. Und auch nicht um Hundert.

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Damit wir besser verstehen können, wie diese Sätze miteinander verbunden sind, haben wir diese als Punkte gezeichnet. Deren Größe hängt davon ab, wie häuifig sie auf RIA Nowosti auftauchen.

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Am 24. Februar hat Russland eine militärische Operation gegen die Ukraine begonnen. Präsident Waldimir Putin nannte als Ziel „die Menschen zu schützen, die seit acht Jahren einem Genozid und Misshandlungen durch das Kiewer Regime ausgesetzt sind.“ Zu diesem Zweck plane man die „Demilitarisierung und Denazifizierung der Ukraine”, außerdem sollen alle Kriegsverbrecher, die für die blutigen Verbrechen gegen die Zivilbevölkerung des Donbass verantwortlich seien, vor Gericht gestellt werden.

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Wenn die Sätze in gleichen Texten vorkommen, zeigen wir auch die Verbindungen zwischen den Punkten.

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Wir haben hunderttausende weitere Sätze von RIA Nowosti analysiert und mussten feststellen:

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Manche von ihnen wiederholen sich tausend- oder sogar zehntausendfach.

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Manche haben eine sehr lange Lebensdauer und werden über mehrere Jahre hindurch verwendet.

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Die überwiegende Mehrheit dieser Sätze bezieht sich auf die Ukraine.

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Und viele von ihnen erklären nicht einfach den Kontext, sondern entwickeln eine ganz bestimmte Wahrnehmung des Geschehens. Eine Wahrnehmung, die die Russinnen und Russen auf den Krieg gegen die Ukraine vorbereiten sollte. Ihren Anfang finden sie an der Jahreswende 2013/14. In dem Moment, als in Kyjiw Massenproteste gegen die prorussische Regierung von Präsident Wiktor Janukowitsch stattfanden, wurde RIA Nowosti neu aufgestellt – als Teil der neugegründeten staatlichen Medien-Holding Rossija segodnja (dt. Russland heute) und Dimitri Kisseljow wurde ihr neuer Chef.

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2. Wie hat Propaganda die Russinnen und Russen auf den Krieg vorbereitet?

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RIA Nowosti ist eine der ältesten Nachrichtenagenturen der Sowjetunion und Russlands. In den 2000er Jahren und Anfang der 2010er galt sie als progressiv, einige bezeichneten sie als „das liberalste Staatsmedium“. Heute ist das kaum mehr vorstellbar, aber 2011/13 berichtete RIA Nowosti sehr ausführlich und nahezu neutral über die Proteste gegen Wahlfälschungen und eine dritte Amtszeit Putins. RIA Nowosti schrieb über den Wahlkampf von Alexej Nawalny bei den Moskauer Gouverneurswahlen (Nawalny wurde 2013 auf RIA häufiger erwähnt als sein Herausforderer Sergej Sobjanin, der Kandidat des Kreml). Auch der Prozess gegen die Mitglieder von Pussy Riot wurde auf der Seite des Mediums fortwährend begleitet.

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Vielleicht war RIA Nowosti zu liberal für ein Staatsmedium in Russland. Denn Ende 2013, auf dem Höhepunkt der Maidan-Proteste, wurde auf der höchsten Ebene die Entscheidung getroffen, die Nachrichtenagentur in der bisherigen Form zu liquidieren. Das Medium wurde Teil der neu gegründeten Medien-Holding Rossija segodnja – einer Holding, unter deren Dach mehrere große staatliche Medien zusammengelegt wurden. Neben RIA Nowosti war das vor allem das internationale Nachrichtenportal und der Radiosender Sputnik, der auf mehreren Sprachen vor allem im postsowjetischen Raum sendet. Zum Leiter der Holding berief der Kreml den Moderatoren und Media-Manager Dimitri Kisseljow.

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Bereits im Dezember 2013 kündigte Kisseljow auf einer Redaktionsversammlung Veränderungen in der Redaktionspolitik an:

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„Unter dem Slogan der Objektivität verzerren wir häufig das Bild und schauen auf unser eigenes Land als sei es ein fremdes. Ich glaube, die Epoche dieses distanzierten, sterilen Journalismus – sie ist vorbei.”

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Objektivität sei nach seinen Worten „ein Mythos, der uns angeboten und aufgedrängt wird“. Journalismus müsse nicht einfach neutral über die Ereignisse berichten. Nach Kisseljow muss er vielmehr die Werte erzeugen, die russische Bürger zu einer Gemeinschaft, zu einem Land machen.

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Journalismus sei „ein Werkzeug, eine Ressource für das Land, das es möglich macht, zu verstehen, was gut und was schlecht ist”.

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Die Jahreswende 2013/14 scheint auch eine Wende im Umgang des russischen Staates mit dem Internet zu sein. Es wird nicht nur Rossija segodnja geschaffen, die zu einer allumfassenden Propaganda-Maschine ausgebaut wird, der Staat geht jetzt auch mehr und mehr gegen unabhängige Internet-Medien wie etwa das zu jener Zeit reichweitenstärkste Portal Lenta.ru vor. Zur gleichen Zeit beginnt RIA Nowosti damit, Kontextparagrafen im Sinne der Propaganda einzusetzen. Diese Absätze sollten den Russinnen und Russen unter anderem erklären – wie Kisseljows es formulierte – „was gut und was schlecht ist“. Parallel wird das Feindbild der Ukraine geschaffen.

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Gehen wir zurück in den November 2013, als es noch keinen Krieg in der Ukraine gab, die Krim noch nicht annektiert war und RIA Nowosti noch das Renommee eines zwar staatlichen, aber doch relativ liberalen Mediums genoss.

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RIA Nowosti wurde am 26 Juni 1941 gegründet, vier Tage nach Hitlers Überfall auf die Sowjetunion. Die Agentur hat mehrmals den Namen geändert. Eins blieb konstant – sie war immer eng mit dem Staat gekoppelt und verlautbarte die offizielle Position.

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In der Nacht vom 21. auf den 22. November sammeln sich auf dem Kyjiwer Maidan ca. 2000 Menschen. Sie skandieren „Ukrajina – ze Jewropa“ (dt. die Ukraine ist Europa) und protestieren gegen die Kehrtwende von Wiktor Janukowitsch, das geplante Assoziierungsabkommen mit der Europäischen Union nicht wie angekündigt unterzeichnen zu wollen.

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In dieser Nacht beginnt in der Ukraine die größte Protestwelle in der neueren Geschichte des Landes, die in die Geschichte als „Euromaidan“ oder „Revolution der Würde“ eingeht. Für die kommenden Monate werden Ereignisse in Kyjiw zum zentralen Thema für alle russischen Medien. Unter anderem für RIA Nowosti.

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In Artikeln über die sogenannte Eurointegration hatte RIA Nowosti Verständnis für die Entscheidung von Janukowitschs gezeigt, die Integration zu stoppen, sympathisiert. Das Projekt der Assoziation mit der EU beschreiben die Kolumnisten des Mediums als Folge der merkantilen Interessen der Europäischen Union (vgl.: „Europa steht am Rande einer Rezession Gleichgewicht zu erhalten und will seinen Zustand durch Erweiterung der Absatzmärkte zu verbessern.“)

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Viele dieser Nachrichten haben natürlich Kontextparagrafen: Damit man sich überschlagende Ereignisse einordnen kann, muss der Leser wissen, wann die Proteste angefangen haben und was sie ausgelöst hat. Bereits die ersten Nachrichten weisen einige Besonderheiten auf, aber im Großen und Ganzen wurden die Ereignisse in Kyjiw neutral wiedergegeben und die Sätze, die sich einige Hundert Male immer wieder wiederholen, enthalten ausschließlich Fakten.

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Am 21. November begannen in Kiew und anderen Regionen der Ukraine Massendemonstrationen mit Anhängern der europäischen Integration, nachdem die ukrainische Regierung bekanntgegeben hatte, dass sie die Vorbereitung des Assoziierungsabkommens mit der EU ausgesetzt hatte, das auf dem Gipfel der Östlichen Partnerschaft in Vilnius abgeschlossen werden sollte. Am Samstag löste die Spezialeinheit Berkut den „Euromaidan“ im Zentrum Kiews auf. Am Sonntag fand in Kiew eine Demonstration statt, in der bis zu einer halben Million Menschen teilgenommen haben und die mit einer Besetzung der Stadtverwaltung und Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Protestierenden und Silowiki endete.

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Nach journalistischer Logik sollte es so auch weitergehen. Aber Mitte Januar 2014 (also nach der Reorganisation von RIA Nowosti) verschwinden die neutralen Kontextparagraphen. An ihrer Stelle erscheinen nun ganz andere.

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Wenn RIA Nowosti anfangs von „Anhängern der Eurointegration“ und „Protestierenden“ schrieb, schreibt das Medium seit dem 21. Januar fast ausschließlich über „radikal eingestellte Oppositionelle” und „Radikale“, die Molotowcocktails und Schusswaffen verwenden. Die Proteste selbst werden von da an als Auseinandersetzungen zwischen „bewaffneten Radikalen“ und „Organen der öffentlichen Ordnung“ bezeichnet. Der häufigste Satz darüber kommt 4301 Mal vor und überlebt bis zum Jahr 2019. Alle zusammen wiederholen sie sich mehr als 10.000 Mal.

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Laut Umfrage des Lewada-Zentrums vertrauen ca. 20 Prozent der Russinnen und Russen denInformationen der staatlichen Nachrichtenagenturen. Für das Internet ist es der höchste Vertrauenswert. Private Internetmedien und Medien, die (wie etwa Meduza) aus dem Exil berichten, erreichen nur vier Prozent.

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Was haben wir gerade gesehen? Erstens eine drastische Vereinfachung der komplexen Realität. Zweitens – eine Deformierung des Kontextes. Ein komplexes Ereignis mit einer großen Zahl heterogener Teilnehmer, mit unterschiedlichen Interessen und Hoffnungen, komplexe politische und wirtschaftliche Prozesse in der ukrainischen Gesellschaft werden zu einem schwarz-weißen Bild geformt, auf dem bewaffnete Radikale Massenunruhen mit vielen Opfern veranstalten und gegen die legitime Regierung Janukowitsch vorgehen, die versucht, die Ordnung in der Hauptstadt wiederherzustellen. 

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Vereinfacht wird nicht nur das Geschehen auf dem Maidan, vereinfacht werden auch alle weiteren Ereignisse in der Ukraine seit 2014. Tag für Tag kreiert Propaganda ein geopolitisches Bild eines Konfliktes, das portionsweise in Hunderttausenden Nachrichten auf RIA Nowosti verbreitet wird. Die Flucht Janukowitschs aus der Ukraine, die Annexion der Krim, der Krieg im Osten des Landes, die Minsker Verhandlungen – das alles wird zu einem sehr einfachen Narrativ entwickelt.

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Dieses Narrativ haben wir rekonstruiert.

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Ende 2013 flammt eine politische Krise in der Ukraine auf. Im gesamten Land finden Massenproteste, der sogenannte „Euromaidan“, statt, die zu Zusammenstößen zwischen bewaffneten Radikalen und den Organen der öffentlichen Ordnung führen. Die Opposition setzt wiederholt Schusswaffen und Molotowcocktails ein, Dutzende menschliche Opfer sind die Folge.

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Am 22. Februar kam es zu einer gewaltsamen Machtergreifung im Land. Die Krim hat die Legitimität der neuen Macht nicht akzeptiert. Die Bewohner der Krim haben sich demokratisch und in voller Übereinstimmung mit dem Völkerrecht und der UN-Charta für die Wiedervereinigung mit Russland ausgesprochen.

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Ende Februar 2014 beginnen in den südöstlichen Regionen der Ukraine Massenproteste der örtlichen Bewohner, die mit dem Staatsstreich nicht einverstanden sind. Die ukrainische Regierung beginnt im April 2014 eine Militäroperation gegen Bewohner der Ostukraine. Mehr als 9000 Menschen fallen dem Konflikt zu Opfer.

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Moskau ist keine Partei im Konflikt und nur daran interessiert, dass die innerukrainische Krise friedlich überwunden wird. Unter Vermittlung von Russland finden Friedensverhandlungen statt. Aber die Ukraine hält sich nicht an die Vereinbarungen.

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Der Westen und die NATO verbreiten ihrerseits Fakes über die Aggression Russlands. Sie nutzen diese als Vorwand für eine Stationierung von militärischem Gerät in der Nähe der Grenzen Russlands.

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Kiew beschießt den Donbass jeden Tag mit Waffen, die von NATO-Ländern geliefert wurden. Die Ukraine plant eine gewaltsame Lösung des Konfliktes.

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Russland startet eine militärische Spezialoperation. Das Ziel der Operation ist der Schutz der Zivilbevölkerung vor Genoziden und die Demilitarisierung der Ukraine.

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Alle diese Sätze werden zwischen 250 und 16.000 Mal wiederholt. Sie sind Elemente von Kontextparagrafen in 56.384 Nachrichten zur Ukraine zwischen 2014 und 2023.

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Dieses Narrativ ist nicht einfach eine drastisch vereinfachte Version der Ereignisse. Er soll einen angeblichen Kausalzusammenhang zwischen dem Maidan und der „militärischen Spezialoperation“ Russlands in der Ukraine herstellen. Die Ereignisse in jedem Glied werden jedoch bewusst selektiert und deformiert. Zum Beispiel werden die im Vergleich zu den Maidan-Protesten ziemlich kleinen und kurzlebigen Proteste im Südosten des Landes aufgeblasen und die Fakten des gewaltsamen Sturms der Verwaltungsgebäude in südostukrainischen Städten unter Beteiligung russischer Staatsbürger werden ausgeblendet. Ebenso wird auch die Einnahme der Stadt Slawjansk durch eine bewaffnete Einheit unter Führung von Igor Girkin, einem Oberst des russischen Militärgeheimdienstes, unterschlagen. Mit dieser Aktion beginnt faktisch der Krieg, in dem die ukrainischen Streitkräfte und Freiwilligenbataillone auf der einen Seite sowie separatistische Milizen und russische Soldaten auf der anderen Seite kämpfen.

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RIA Nowosti manipuliert auch die Rolle der handelnden Akteure. Im Falle des Maidan berichtet die Propaganda nicht einfach über Massenunruhen und Auseinandersetzungen mit der Polizei, sie reduziert eine bunte Protestbewegung, in der unterschiedliche Gruppen der ukrainischen Gesellschaft vertreten sind, zu einer Gruppe bewaffneter Radikaler, die angeblich einen Staatsstreich vollzieht und gewaltsam die Macht ergreift. Somit entzieht RIA Nowosti der ukrainischen Gesellschaft die Eigenständigkeit und dem Protest wie auch den folgenden Wahlen die Legitimität. Proteste im Südosten des Landes werden dagegen als wahrhaft von der Gesellschaft getragene Massenbewegung dargestellt, dabei haben in Wirklichkeit bewaffnete Separatisten mit Unterstützung des russischen Geheimdienstes die Macht in den Regionen Donezk und Luhansk gewaltsam ergriffen.

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Das Gleiche trifft auf den Krieg im Osten zu: Die Propaganda stellt ihn als einen Krieg der Kiewer Junta gegen die Zivilbevölkerung dar, während Russland die Rolle eines Friedensstifters zugeschrieben wird.

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In dieser Version braucht man im Grunde nur noch einen Schritt zu machen, um diesen Krieg als Genozid zu bezeichnen, was Putin und der russische Außenminister Sergej Lawrow schließlich immer wieder tun.

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Das alles ist eine vereinfachte Version der Geschichte. Eine viel zu einfache. Und es scheint, die komplexe Realität sollte sie an jeder Stelle widerlegen und schließlich auch zu Fall bringen. Aber die Kunst der Propaganda besteht auch darin, dem erfolgreich zu widerstehen. So wie es später auch mit der „militärischen Spezialoperation“ der Fall war, in der nicht alles nach Plan laufen sollte.

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3. Wie Propaganda sich der Realität anpasst?

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Nach dem ersten Schock, den die Russinnen und Russen zu Beginn des großflächigen Krieges gegen die Ukraine erlebten, versuchen viele von ihnen, das Geschehen irgendwie in ihr Weltbild einzufügen beziehungsweise „sich mit der Unvermeidbarkeit abzufinden”, wie es die Autoren der soziologischen Studie aus dem PS Lab formulieren. Dabei muss man einen moralischen Konflikt überwinden und einen rationalen Anhaltspunkt für das Geschehen finden. Damit dies gelingt, suchen viele Antworten in offiziellen Informationsquellen wie RIA Nowosti.

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RIA Nowosti ist nicht nur eines der größten Internet-Portale in Russland. Als staatliche und damit offizielle Nachrichtenagentur genießt es im Vergleich zu anderen Medien einen hohen Vertrauenswert. Auch bezüglich der Reichweite hat RIA Nowosti große Vorteile. Diese sind  nicht unbedingt marktwirtschaftlicher Natur. So hat etwa der russische Staat im Laufe des letzten Jahrzehnts mehrmals den News-Aggregator Yandex.News [ein Analog von Google News] unter Druck gesetzt. Einer Recherche der Novaya Gazeta Europe zufolge stammten Anfang 2022 mehr als 70 Prozent der Nachrichten auf Yandex.News aus staatlichen Medien. Und mehr als 20 Prozent von RIA Nowosti. Jede fünfte Nachricht also.

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Wenn Russinnen und Russen über den Krieg sprechen, reproduzieren sie sehr oft die Narrative der Propaganda, die nicht unbedingt zusammenpassen müssen. Zu den zentralen gehören dabei der Schutz der Zivilbevölkerung vor der Kiewer Junta, ein präventiver Angriff und die Konfrontation mit der NATO. Außerdem, dass der Krieg gar kein Krieg sei, sondern eine „Spezialoperation”. Und RIA Nowosti liefert massive Unterstützung für diese Erzählung.

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Kontextabsätze darüber, dass Russland im Februar 2022 eine Spezialoperation begonnen hat, wiederholen sich auf RIA Nowosti seit dem Beginn des Krieges mindestens 18.031 Mal.

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Am 24. Februar hat Russland eine militärische Operation gegen die Ukraine begonnen.

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Wie sich ein Krieg von einer militärischen Spezialoperation unterscheidet, ist nicht ganz klar. Aber die Propaganda betont immer wieder, dass Russland ausschließlich militärische Infrastruktur angreift und es keine Gefahr für die Zivilbevölkerung gebe. Diese Sätze werden mehr als 11.600 Mal wiederholt. 

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Nach Angaben des russischen Verteidigungsministeriums beschießen die Streitkräfte nur militärische Infrastruktur und ukrainische Truppen, während die Zivilbevölkerung nicht bedroht ist.

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Eine Spezialoperation zeichnet sich wahrscheinlich auch dadurch aus, dass sie im Vergleich zu einem Krieg schnell verläuft. Zu Beginn des Krieges wiederholt RIA Nowosti in mehreren Hundert Texten, dass ukrainische Grenzwächter keinen Widerstand leisteten und ukrainische Soldaten die Waffen niederlegten, dass die Luftabwehr überwunden sei und die militärische Infrastruktur der ukrainischen Luftstreitkräfte bezwungen.  

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Ungefähr zwei Stunden später fügt das Verteidigungsministerium hinzu, dass unkrainische Grenzer „niemandem Widerstand leisten“, die ukrainische Flugabwehr sei niedergeschlagen, die militärische Infrastruktur der Militärflughäfen ausgeschaltet.

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Das alles sollte Leserinnen und Leser überzeugen, in der Ukraine finde eine Operation nach dem Muster der Krim-Annexion statt – schnell, erfolgreich und ohne Opfer unter der Zivilbevölkerung. In den ersten Tagen des Krieges schaffte es die russische Armee tatsächlich, tief in das Territorium der Ukraine vorzudringen – die Einheiten tauchten innerhalb weniger Tage in den Vororten von Kyjiw und Charkiw auf.

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Offenbar haben die Propagandisten selbst daran geglaubt, dass es kein Krieg ist, sondern eine blitzschnelle Spezialoperation. Am Abend des 24. Februar veröffentlichte RIA Nowosti eine Infografik mit dem Titel „Ergebnisse der Spezialoperation der Streitkräfte Russlands in der Ukraine“. Die Kolumnistin Irina Alksnis fasste zusammen, dass diese Spezialoperation „ohne Zweifel zu einem Klassiker in der Planung militärischer Operationen wird … – einem Klassiker, dem man nacheifern muss, den zu wiederholen aber schwierig wird”.

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Tatsächlich aber erleidet die russische Armee große Verluste bei Technik und Soldaten. Bereits Ende März 2022 wird klar, dass die Spezialoperation, „der man nacheifern muss“, gescheitert ist. Daraufhin musste die Propaganda sich der Realität an der Front anpassen.

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In erster Linie ging es danach um die politischen Ziele der Invasion und die Qualität des Krieges.

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Am Anfang des Krieges formulierte Putin das Ziel ziemlich nebulös: Die Ukraine solle „denazifiziert“ und „demilitarisiert“ werden. Dieses Ziel wurde in zehntausenden Kontextabsätzen wiedergegeben.

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Ende März ist ein Umschwenken in der Darstellung des Krieges zu beobachten. Im Zerrspiegel der Propaganda verschwindet der siegreiche Blitzkrieg.

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An seine Stelle tritt der angeblich erfolgreiche Abschluss der „ersten Phase“ der Operation. Erfolg wird daran gemessen, dass „das Kampfpotential der ukrainischen Streitkräfte signifikant reduziert” worden sei.

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Gleichzeitig wird der Krieg schleichend zu einem Verteidigungskrieg umgedeutet und zwar nicht mehr gegen die Ukraine, sondern gegen die NATO.

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Kontextabsätze über die NATO, die die Ukraine mit Waffen aufpumpt, nutzt RIA Nowosti bereits unmittelbar vor dem Krieg sehr oft – im Schnitt zwölf Mal pro Tag. Aber direkt nach dem 24. Februar verschwinden sie fast völlig. Man darf vermuten, dass der Kreml vermeiden wollte, dass sich unter den Leserinnen und Leser Panik breit macht, wenn der Krieg auf eine militärische Auseinandersetzung mit der NATO hinausläuft.

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Aber ab Ende März können die militärischen Niederlagen in der Propagandalogik nur durch eine Auseinandersetzung mit der NATO erklärt werden.

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Die Rolle der NATO wächst dementsprechend: Ab Ende März veröffentlicht RIA Nowosti hunderte von Kontextabsätzen zu verschiedenen Städten im Donbass – Horliwka, Jassynuwata, Sajzewe, Awdijiwka etc. – mit den Einwohnerzahlen vor 2014. Diese Absätze sollen tägliche Nachrichten kontextualisieren, in denen es um den Beschuss der Zivilbevölkerung durch die ukrainische Armee geht, mit Geschossen, die einen Durchmesser von 155 mm haben – ein NATO-Standard. Diese Sätze kommen 1903 Mal vor, öfter als fünf Mal pro Tag.

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Danach rückt die Information, dass der Westen und die NATO Teilnehmer des Krieges seien, in den Hintergrund. Eine zentrale Rolle spielen hier Waffenlieferungen. Sie werden von einer Drohung begleitet: Mit Waffenlieferungen spielen die „NATO-Länder mit dem Feuer“, doch damit werden sie nichts ändern und den Konflikt nur in die Länge ziehen.

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In Hunderten Texten tauchen auch die Sanktionen auf, die als ein „nie dagewesener Wirtschaftskrieg“ und als „Politik der Eindämmung Russlands“ bezeichnet werden. 

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Gleichzeitig werden die negativen Folgen der Sanktionen auf die russische Wirtschaft negiert. Russland habe sich darauf frühzeitig vorbereitet, heißt es. Unter den Sanktionen leide nicht Russland, sondern vor allem die USA und Europa, weil Lieferketten unterbrochen würden.

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Mehr zu Kontextabsätzen von RIA Nowosti über die NATO im Text unseres Kooperationspartners Süddeutsche Zeitung: Wie der Kreml das Bild des Westens zeichnet.

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Auch später kommt es immer wieder vor, dass die Propaganda sich der sich verändernden Realität anpassen muss. RIA Nowosti publiziert zum Beispiel zwischen Februar und Juli 2022 Tausende Sätze darüber, dass von einer Okkupation der Ukraine keine Rede sein könne. Im September annektiert Russland aber vier Gebiete der Ukraine und die Propaganda muss zurückrudern. Man bekommt den Eindruck, dass die Propaganda die Leserinnen und Leser nicht auf bestimmte Ereignisse vorbereitet, sondern oft im Nachhinein Erklärungen für die Ereignisse finden muss, um die laufenden Ereignisse und politische Entscheidungen zu rationalisieren. Dabei müssen die Erklärungen nicht unbedingt logisch sein und können sich widersprechen.

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Man könnte meinen, dass Russinnen und Russen nicht gegen den Krieg protestieren, weil sie nicht wissen, was in der Ukraine passiert. Schließlich gibt es in Russland keine unabhängige Presse, die die Wahrheit sagt. Aber es gibt unabhängigen Journalismus und die Fakten zu den Kriegsverbrechen in der Ukraine sind so zahlreich, dass man sie nicht vertuschen kann. Warum glauben Russinnen und Russen der Propaganda, obwohl sie sich oft selbst widerspricht?

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4. „Ein wichtiges Land der Welt mit guten Absichten“

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Wieder zurück ins Jahr 2013: Dimitri Kisseljow hat gerade seine neue Position an der Spitze der Nachrichtenagentur Rossija segodnja angetreten. Im Gespräch mit der Redaktion erläutert er seine Vorstellung der künftigen Arbeit mit einem Bild: „Stellen Sie sich Folgendes vor: Sie sind ein junger Mann, Sie legen Ihrer Freundin den Arm um die Schulter und sagen: ‘Weißt du, ich will dir schon seit Langem sagen, dass ich dir gegenüber Objektivität empfinde.‘ Ist es das, was sie erwartet? Wahrscheinlich nicht! Genau wie unser Land, Russland, baucht Liebe.“

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An die Stelle von Objektivität soll also die Liebe zum Vaterland treten. Nach diesem Prinzip verfährt RIA Nowosti von da an: Zuzugeben, dass das eigene Land Oppositionelle vergiftet, aggressive Kriege führt, Territorien annektiert und an der Ermordung von Hunderten und Tausenden Zivilisten beteiligt ist, ist sehr schwer und sehr schmerzhaft. Viel einfacher ist es, an das Gegenteil zu glauben: Dass andere Länder Verbrechen begehen und wir auf der Seite der Guten stehen. Genau dieses Bild schafft die Propaganda.

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Damals 2013 sagte Kisseljow noch eins: Die Mission der neuen Media-Holding sei die „Wiederherstellung einer gerechten Beziehung zu Russland, als einem wichtigen Land in der Welt mit guten Absichten“. Scheinbar war es nur eine tönende Phrase. Aber alle drei Teile – das Verlieren der gerechten Beziehung zu Russland, die wiederhergestellt werden muss, Russland als eine Großmacht und sein friedliches Handeln – sind die Basis für das Haupt-Narrativ von RIA Nowosti, das die Agentur kontinuierlich in Kontextparagrafen wiederholt – unabhängig davon, um welche Ereignisse es geht.

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Dieses Weltbild ist einfach und verständlich. Es ist auch sehr verlockend. Denn dann führt Russland tatsächlich keinen aggressiven Krieg gegen die Nachbarn, sondern führt einen globalen Kampf gegen den Westen für sein Recht, eine Großmacht zu sein, für seine Identität, zur Verteidigung von Zivilisten gegen Terroristen in Syrien, gegen Radikale in Belarus oder Nazis in Georgien und in der Ukraine.

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Russland ist ein wichtiges Land der Welt mit guten Absichten.

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Veröffentlicht am 19. Dezember 2023
Text: Leonid A. Klimov und Katja Lakowa unter Mitarbeit von Sonja Richter
Datenvisualisierung: Artyom Schtschennikow
Datenaufbereitung: Artyom Schtschennikow, Leonid A. Klimov, Katja Lakowa, Natalie Sablowski und Daria Talanowa
Redaktion: Arnold Chatschaturow und Julian Hans
Programmierung und Design: Daniel Marcus, Artyom Schtschennikow
Unter Beteiligung des Data-Ressorts der Süddeutschen Zeitung

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